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    Default Historical countries and countries you want or want back

    This thread is dedicated to all the small libertarian or unrecognized states in general that were destroyed and encorporated into large centralised republics or empires while trying to protect their independence.
    @Natural Citizen @oyarde @Suzanimal
    Last edited by Lamp; 01-27-2017 at 08:44 PM.



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    State of Muskogee

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    State of Muskogee
    Unrecognized state
    1799–1803

    Flag of the State of Muskogee
    Capital Mikasuke (near Tallahassee)
    Languages English, Muskogean languages
    Government Republic
    Director General William Augustus Bowles
    History
    Independence declared 1799
    Capture of William Boyles May 24, 1803
    Population
    1799 est. 50,000-60,000
    Preceded by Succeeded by

    William Augustus Bowles (1763-1805) was also known as Estajoca, his Muscogee name.

    The State of Muskogee was a proclaimed sovereign nation located in Florida, founded in 1799 and led by William Augustus Bowles, a Loyalist veteran of the American Revolutionary War who lived among the Muscogee, and envisioned uniting the American Indians of the Southeast into a single nation that could resist the expansion of the United States. Bowles enjoyed the support of the Miccosukee (Seminole) and several bands of Muscogee, and envisioned his state as eventually growing to encompass the Cherokee, Upper and Lower Creeks, Choctaw and Chickasaw.
    History[edit]

    Born into a Maryland Loyalist family, William Bowles was commissioned in the Maryland Loyalist Battalion at age 14 with the rank of Ensign. This rank, roughly equivalent to the modern rank of 2nd Lieutenant, is often confused with the naval rank used today, and thus has led to rumors of his having been an officer in the Royal Navy at 15. Bowles was sent with the 1st Battalion of Maryland Loyalist as part of a provincial garrison stationed at Pensacola, where he was stripped of his rank for insubordination. (Please note that according to the article William Augustus Bowles, it states that he joined the British Battalion at the age of 13.)[1]He fled north, living among the Muscogee of the Tallapoosa and Appalachicola, becoming fluent in the language, taking Cherokee and Hitchiti Muscogee wives and becoming heir to a Muscogee chiefdom. He led a band of Lower Creek warriors at the Battle of Pensacola in 1781, a period when he developed a lifelong enmity with the Upper Creek chief Alexander McGillivray. After the war, he relocated to the Bahamas, where he was courted by Governor Lord Dunmore, who sought to break the monopoly of Panton, Leslie & Co. over the Indian fur-trade, and allowed him to return to the Muscogee as an agent of a rival company. During this period, he developed his idea of an American Indian state. He failed to capture Panton's St. Johns store, and became a fugitive from Spanish authorities, spending the next few years between Nova Scotia, the Bahamas, England, and the villages along the lower Chattahoochee River basin, where he gained support for a free state of Muskogee, assuring the Lower Creeks and Seminoles of British support.
    On 16 January 1792, Bowles led a large band of Muscogee warriors who captured and looted the Panton, Leslie, and Co. store in the presidio of San Marcos de Apalache. He tried to negotiate with the Spanish for the establishment of a Muskogee state, but the Spaniards captured him instead. The Spanish wanted to remove him as far away from Florida as they could, and imprisoned him in Cuba, Madrid, and Manila in the Philippines. While being returned to Spain, Bowles escaped and seized command of a ship to Africa, and eventually made his way back to Florida after stopovers in England and Nassau to regather his British supporters.
    Arriving on the Apalachicola Bay in 1799, Bowles made himself "Director General and Commander-In-Chief of the Muskogee Nation", and, on October 31, he issued a proclamation declaring the 1796 treaty between Spain and the United States void because it ignored the Indians' sovereignty over Florida. (The Treaty of San Ildefonso ceded all of West Florida above the 31st parallel to the United States.) He denounced the treaties Alexander McGillivray had negotiated with Spain and the U.S., threatened to declare war against the U.S. unless it returned Muscogee lands that he claimed it had taken illegally, and issued a death sentence against George Washington's Indian agent Benjamin Hawkins. He defied American planters by welcoming runaway slaves, and enjoyed great support among the Black Seminole. Bowles had the support of the Seminoles and lower Chattahoochee Creeks because of his generous supply of gunpowder, and of his promises to get more when he captured the Panton-Leslie store at the presidio of San Marcos de Apalache.[citation needed]
    Spanish attacks forced him to relocate the capital to the Indian town of Miccosukee or Mikasuki on Lake Miccosukee, northeast of present-day Tallahassee, ruled by Mico Kinache, his father-in-law and most powerful ally. Several English adventurers from the Bahamas served as the government administrators. Bowles built a three-ship navy and attacked Spanish ships off the coast of Florida. In August 1800, a Spanish armed force set out to destroy Miccosuke, but was lost in the swamps. On 5 January 1802, Bowles led a large force of Seminoles (Miccosukees), Black Seminoles, fugitive slaves, white pirates, and Spanish deserters from Pensacola, and laid siege to San Marcos, but was forced to retreat after the arrival of several Spanish ships. The Treaty of Amiens in March 1802 briefly ended hostilities between Britain and France and Spain, and news of this ceasefire left Bowles discredited, the Seminoles (including Kinache) signing a treaty with Spain in August.
    By 1803, the U.S. and Spain were conspiring against Bowles, who no longer enjoyed British support. Benjamin Hawkins laid a trap for him at a tribal council at the town of Tuckabatchee, where Bowles was captured and delivered to the Spanish governor in Pensacola. He was imprisoned in Morro Castle in Havana, where he died in 1805. The State of Muskogee demonstrated Spain's inability to control the interior of Florida.
    In 1818, the town of Miccosuke was destroyed by General Andrew Jackson's army during the First Seminole War.


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    Suzanimaland. Why should I pay a yearly fee to live on land that I "own"?

    #suzexit
    Quote Originally Posted by Ron Paul View Post
    The intellectual battle for liberty can appear to be a lonely one at times. However, the numbers are not as important as the principles that we hold. Leonard Read always taught that "it's not a numbers game, but an ideological game." That's why it's important to continue to provide a principled philosophy as to what the role of government ought to be, despite the numbers that stare us in the face.

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    Benjamin Hawkins , dog tribe back stabber . Washington appointed him south of the Ohio . Otherwise we would have gotten him .
    Yes , Danke was my sidekick .

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    There's a hippie co-op outside of Tallahassee now.. I wonder if that's the same land. I think it's called Muskogee something or other
    Disclaimer: any post made after midnight and before 8AM is made before the coffee dip stick has come up to optomim level - expect some level of silliness,

    The problems we face today exist because the people who work for a living are out numbered by those who vote for a living !!!!!!!

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    Vermont Republic

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    "New Connecticut" and "Vermont (country)" redirect here. For the area in Ohio, see Connecticut Western Reserve. For other uses, see Vermont (disambiguation).
    Vermont Republic
    1777–1791
    Motto
    Freedom and Unity on Great Seal
    Stella quarta decima on Vermont coinage
    in English "the fourteenth star"

    Capital Windsor, then Castleton
    Languages English
    Government Republic
    Governor
    1778–1789 Thomas Chittenden
    1789–1790 Moses Robinson
    1790–1791 Thomas Chittenden
    Legislature House of Representatives of the Freemen of Vermont
    Historical era American Revolution
    Independence January 15, 1777
    Admitted to Union March 4, 1791
    Currency Vermont copper

    Vermont coin with the passage VERMONTIS. RES. PUBLICA. on the obverse, and the motto "STELLA QUARTA DECIMA" on the reverse



    Engraving of Thomas Chittenden, first and third governor of the Vermont Republic, and first governor of the State of Vermont



    The Old Constitution House in Windsor, Vermont, where the 1777 constitution was signed, is also called the birthplace of Vermont.

    The term Vermont Republic has been used by later historians[1] for the government of Vermont that existed from 1777 to 1791. In January 1777, delegates from 28 towns met and declared independence from jurisdictions and land claims of both the British colony of Quebec and the American states of New Hampshire and New York. They also abolished adult slavery within their boundaries. Many people in Vermont took part in the American Revolution, although the Continental Congress did not recognize the jurisdiction.[2] Because of vehement objections from New York, which had conflicting property claims, the Continental Congress declined to recognize Vermont, then called the New Hampshire Grants.[3] Vermont's overtures to join the British Province of Quebec failed.[4] In 1791, Vermont officially joined the United States as the 14th state.
    Vermont coined a currency called Vermont coppers from a mint operated by Reuben Harmon in East Rupert (1785–1788),[5] and operated a postal system. While the Vermont coppers bore the legend Vermontis. Res. Publica (Latin for republic or state), the constitution and other official documents used the term "State of Vermont". It referred to its chief executive as a "governor". The 1777 constitution refers to Vermont both as "the State of Vermont", as in the third paragraph of the preamble, and in the preamble's last paragraph, the constitution refers to itself as "the Constitution of the Commonwealth".[6]
    The Vermont Republic was called the "reluctant republic" because many early citizens favored political union with the United States rather than independence. Both popular opinion and the legal construction of the government made clear that the independent State of Vermont would eventually join the original 13 states. While the Continental Congress did not allow a seat for Vermont, William Samuel Johnson, representing Connecticut, was engaged by Vermont to promote its interests.[7] In 1785, Johnson was granted title to the former King's College Tract by the Vermont General Assembly as a form of compensation for representing Vermont.[8] The members of the Convention of 1787 assumed that Vermont was not yet separate from New York; however, James Madison's notes on the Federal Convention of 1787 make clear that there was an agreement by New York to allow for the admission of Vermont to the union as a separate state;[9] it was just a question of process, which was delayed by larger federal questions.
    Contents

    [hide]



    History[edit]

    After 1724, the Province of Massachusetts Bay built Fort Dummer near Brattleboro, as well as three other forts along the northern portion of the Connecticut River to protect against raids by Native Americans further south into Western Massachusetts. After 1749, Benning Wentworth, the Royal Governor of New Hampshire, granted land to anyone in a land granting scheme designed to enrich himself and his family. After 1763, settlement increased due to easing security concerns after the end of the French and Indian Wars. The Province of New York had made grants of land, often in areas overlapping similar grants made by the Province of New Hampshire; this issue had to be resolved by the King in 1764, who granted the land to New York, but the area was popularly known as the New Hampshire Grants. The "Green Mountain Boys", led by Ethan Allen, was a militia force from Vermont that supported the New Hampshire claims and fought the British during the American Revolution.
    Founding[edit]

    Following controversy between the holders of the New York grants and the New Hampshire grants, Ethan Allen and his militia of "Green Mountain Boys" suppressed Loyalists. On January 15, 1777, a convention of representatives from towns in the territory declared the region independent, choosing the name the Republic of New Connecticut (although it was sometimes known colloquially as the Republic of the Green Mountains).[10] On June 2 of that year, the name of the fledgling nation was officially changed to "Vermont" (from the French, les Verts Monts, meaning the Green Mountains)[11] upon the suggestion of Dr. Thomas Young,[12] a Boston Tea Party leader and mentor to Ethan Allen.

    John Greenleaf Whittier's poem The Song of the Vermonters, 1779 describes the period in ballad form. First published anonymously, the poem had characteristics in the last stanza that were similar to Ethan Allen's prose and caused it to be attributed to Allen for nearly 60 years.[13] The last stanza reads:
    Come York or come Hampshire, come traitors or knaves,
    If ye rule o'er our land ye shall rule o'er our graves;
    Our vow is recorded—our banner unfurled,
    In the name of Vermont we defy all the world!
    Constitution and frame of government[edit]

    The Constitution of Vermont was drafted and ratified at Elijah West's Windsor Tavern in 1777, and was the first written constitution for an independent state in North America. The settlers in Vermont, who sought independence from New York, justified their constitution on the same basis as the first state constitutions of the former colonies: authority is derived from the people.[14] As historian Christian Fritz notes in American Sovereigns: The People and America's Constitutional Tradition before the Civil War:
    They saw themselves as a distinct region outside the legitimate jurisdiction of New York. Possessing an identifiable population or "a people" entitled them to the same constitutional rights of self-government as other "Peoples" in the American confederacy.[15]
    In addition to creating a new government for the original thirteen colonies, the claims for Vermont's independence raised the question of creating state governments. At the same time as they struggled for independence from Great Britain, Americans had to confront just how that formation should take place and who constituted "the people".[citation needed]

    The New Hampshire Grants region petitioned Congress for entry into the American union as a state independent of New York in 1777. Fourteen years later it was admitted as the State of Vermont.

    The Vermont constitution was modeled after the radically democratic constitution of Pennsylvania on the suggestion of Dr. Young, who worked with Thomas Paine and others on that 1776 document in Philadelphia.
    During the time of the Vermont Republic, the government issued its own coinage and currency, and operated a postal service. The governor of Vermont, Thomas Chittenden,[16] with consent of his council and the General Assembly, appointed commissioners to the American government seated in Philadelphia.
    After a British regiment and allied Mohawks attacked and terrorized Vermont settlers, in the Royalton Raid, Ethan Allen led a group of Vermont politicians in secret discussions with Frederick Haldimand, the Governor General of the Province of Quebec, about rejoining the British Empire.[17]
    Symbolism of fourteen[edit]

    Much of the symbolism associated with Vermont in this period expressed a desire for political union with the United States. Vermont's coins minted in 1785 and 1786 bore the Latin inscription "STELLA QUARTA DECIMA (meaning "the fourteenth star"). The Great Seal of Vermont, designed by Ira Allen, centrally features a 14-branched pine tree.
    Union[edit]

    On March 6, 1790, the legislature of New York consented to Vermont statehood provided a group of commissioners representing New York and a similar group representing Vermont could agree on a settlement of numerous conflicting claims to real estate. On October 7, the commissioners proclaimed the negotiations successfully concluded with an agreement that Vermont would pay $30,000 to New York to be distributed among New Yorkers who claimed land in Vermont under New York land patents.[18] The Vermont General Assembly then authorized a convention to consider an application for admittance to the "Union of the United States of America". The convention met at Bennington, on January 6, 1791. On January 10, 1791 the convention approved a resolution to make an application to join the United States by a vote of 105 to 2.[19] Vermont was admitted to the Union by 1 Stat. 191 on March 4, 1791. Vermont's admission act is the shortest of all state admissions, and Vermont is "the only state admitted without conditions of any kind, either those prescribed by the congress or the state from which it was carved."[20]March 4 is celebrated in Vermont as Vermont Day.[21]
    Vermont's admission to the Union in 1791 was in part as a free state counterweight to Kentucky, which joined as a slave state shortly after Vermont. The North, the smaller states, and states concerned about the impact of the sea-to-sea grants held by other states, all supported Vermont's admission. Thomas Chittenden served as governor for Vermont for most of this period, and became its first governor as a member-state in the United States.[22]
    The 1793 Vermont state constitution made relatively few changes to the 1777 Vermont state constitution. It retained many of its original ideas, as noted above, and kept the separation of powers. It remains in force with several amendments.[23]


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    Republic of West Florida

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia




    Republic of West Florida
    Short-lived independent state
    (area disputed between Spain and the United States from 1803–1821)
    1810

    Flag

    Capital St. Francisville
    Government Republic
    Governor
    1810 Fulwar Skipwith
    Legislature Senate and House of Representatives
    Historical era U.S. westward expansion
    rebel capture of Fort San Carlos at Baton Rouge September 23, 1810
    declaration of independence from Spain September 26, 1810
    Madison proclaims "possession should be taken"; sends Claiborne to do so October 27, 1810
    St. Francisville acquiesces to U.S. Army December 6, 1810
    surrender of Baton Rouge to U.S. Army December 10, 1810
    Preceded by Succeeded by
    Today part of United States
    On July 17, 1821, Spain's governor of its West Florida province formally delivered it to U.S. General Andrew Jackson under the Adams–Onís Treaty.[1]
    The Republic of West Florida was a short-lived republic in the western region of Spanish West Florida for several months during 1810. It was annexed and occupied by the United States later in 1810 and is today an eastern part of the U.S. state of Louisiana.
    Contents

    [hide]



    Boundaries[edit]

    The boundaries of the Republic of West Florida included all territory south of parallel 31°N, east of the Mississippi River, and north of the waterway formed by the Iberville River, Amite River, Lake Maurepas, Pass Manchac, Lake Pontchartrain, and the Rigolets. The Pearl River, with its branch that flowed into the Rigolets, formed the eastern boundary of the republic.[2] A military expedition from the republic attempted but failed to capture the Spanish outpost at Mobile, which was situated between the Pearl and the Perdido River, farther to the east. Despite its name, none of the Republic of West Florida was within the borders of the present-day state of Florida, but rather entirely within the present borders of Louisiana.
    Louisiana parishes once part of the Republic of West Florida are:


    History[edit]

    Before 1762, France had owned and administered the land west of the Perdido River as part of La Louisiane. In 1762, France signed a secret treaty with Spain that had effectively ceded all French lands west of the Mississippi River, plus the Isle of New Orleans,[3] to Spain. At the end of the Seven Years' War in 1763, France ceded its remaining lands east of the Mississippi River (which included the land between the Perdido and Mississippi Rivers) to Great Britain, while Spain ceded its Florida territory to Britain.
    Twenty years later, at the conclusion of the American Revolutionary War in 1783, Spain received both East and West Florida from Great Britain. The United States and Spain held long negotiations regarding the northern border of West Florida, concluding with Pinckney's Treaty in 1795.
    In 1800, under duress from Napoleon of France, Spain ceded Louisiana and the island of New Orleans back to France, which promised to return them to Spain should France ever relinquish them. This cession did not include West Florida. In 1803, France then sold Louisiana and New Orleans to the United States.[4] The U.S. claimed that West Florida was part of the Louisiana Purchase, a claim disputed by Spain, as it had controlled West Florida as a province separate from Spanish Louisiana since 1783.
    There was an influx of Americans into West Florida in the early years of the 19th century. The population of the Baton Rouge District was almost exclusively Anglo-American with a substantial number of Tory immigrants of the revolutionary period. Some of the Americans were land speculators eager to profit should the territory join the U.S.[5]:290–293
    During the decade after 1803, the U.S. southern border was the scene of many minor frontier events that involved diplomatic relations with Britain, France and Spain. In order to resolve the problems along that border and gain control of ports for commerce, the U.S. desired to possess all territory east of the Mississippi.[5]:290–291 West Florida occupied the land from the Mississippi River to beyond the Mobile River and also separated the United States' Orleans and Mississippi territories. (New Orleans and West Florida had been the prime U.S. desires in the negotiations with Napoleon that resulted instead in the Louisiana Purchase.)
    In West Florida, from June to September 1810, many secret meetings of those who resented Spanish rule, as well as three openly-held conventions, took place in the Baton Rouge District. Out of those meetings grew the West Florida rebellion[6] and the establishment of the independent Republic of West Florida. Its capital was located at St. Francisville, in present-day Louisiana on a bluff along the Mississippi River.
    Early in the morning on September 23, 1810, armed rebels stormed Fort San Carlos at Baton Rouge and killed two Spanish soldiers[7]:107 "in a sharp and bloody firefight that wrested control of the region from the Spanish."[8] The rebels unfurled the flag of the new republic, a single white star on a blue field made by Melissa Johnson, wife of Major Isaac Johnson, commander of the Feliciana cavalry engaged in the attack.[7]:89, 93, 102 (The "Bonnie Blue Flag" that was flown fifty years later at the start of the American Civil War resembles it.[9])
    After the successful attack, organized by Philemon Thomas, plans were made to take Mobile and Pensacola from the Spanish and incorporate the eastern part of the province into the new republic.[10] Reuben Kemper led a small force in an attempt to capture Mobile, but the expedition ended in failure.
    For some time, the governors of the Orleans and Mississippi territories, William C. C. Claiborne and David Holmes, respectively, had been U.S. President James Madison's two chief agents in securing intelligence on West Florida. Upon learning of the revolt, Madison wanted to move quickly to annex the district but knew he could not use the military without congressional approval. Congress would not meet until December 1810. Military occupation would incur the wrath of Spain and perhaps also England and France. He feared if he did not move, West Florida could fall into unfriendly hands, as a considerable part of the population had previously been British subjects.[11]:7
    Though troubled by "constitutional qualms",[12]:215 Madison did not want to let the opportunity pass unexploited and "resorted to the oldest justification in the political book: he acted, even without clear ... authority on the grounds that 'a crisis has at length arrived subversive of the order of things under the Spanish authorities.' "[13] Critics quickly condemned the president "for acting without proper authority and for supplanting the jurisdiction of the Spanish, friends who had done nothing to deserve such aggression."[14]: 538–543
    Support for the revolt was far from unanimous. The presence of competing pro-Spanish, pro-American, and pro-independence factions, as well as the presence of scores of foreign agents, contributed to a "virtual civil war within the Revolt as the competing factions jockeyed for position."[8] The faction that favored the continued independence of West Florida secured the adoption of a constitution at a convention in October. The convention had earlier commissioned an army under General Philemon Thomas to march across the territory, subdue opposition to the insurrection, and seek to secure as much Spanish-held territory as possible.[8] "Residents of the western Florida Parishes proved largely supportive of the Revolt, while the majority of the population in the eastern region of the Florida Parishes opposed the insurrection. Thomas' army violently suppressed opponents of the revolt, leaving a bitter legacy in the Tangipahoa and Tchefuncte River regions."[8]
    Claiborne and Holmes had to contend with the armed force under Thomas and the fact that those in control were determined not to submit to the United States without terms in regard to land titles and to refugees. The two governors took steps to prepare the minds of the people to receive them and at the same time to overwhelm possible opposition by a show of force[5] — including a U.S. Army contingent from Fort Adams, under the command of Brigadier General Leonard Covington.[15]
    On November 7, Fulwar Skipwith was elected as governor, together with members of a bicameral legislature. For several weeks, he personally directed the preparations for the dispatch of the armed force to wrest the remainder of West Florida from Spain.[7]:129 Skipwith's inauguration ceremony was held on November 29. A week later, he and many of his fellow officials still lingered at St. Francisville preparing to go to Baton Rouge, where the next session of the legislature was to consider his ambitious program. The impending takeover apparently came as a surprise to Skipwith when Holmes and his party approached the town. Holmes persuaded all except a few leaders, including Skipwith and Philemon Thomas, the leader of the West Florida troops, to acquiesce to American authority.[5]
    Skipwith complained bitterly to Holmes that, as a result of seven years of U.S. tolerance of continued Spanish occupation, the United States had abandoned its right to the country and that the West Florida people would not now submit to the American government without conditions.[5] Skipwith and several of his unreconciled legislators then departed for the fort at Baton Rouge, rather than surrender the country unconditionally and without terms.[5]
    At Baton Rouge on December 9, Skipwith informed Holmes that he would no longer resist but could not speak for the troops in the fort. Their commander was John Ballinger, who upon the assurance of Holmes that his troops would not be harmed, agreed to surrender the fort. Claiborne and his forces landed two miles above the town. Holmes reported to Claiborne that "the armed citizens ... are ready to retire from the fort and acknowledge the authority of the United States" without insisting upon any terms. Claiborne agreed to a respectful ceremony to mark the formal act of transfer. Thus, at 2:30 p.m. that afternoon, December 10, 1810, "the men within the fort marched out and stacked their arms and saluted the flag of West Florida as it was lowered for the last time, and then dispersed."[5]
    Skipwith later expressed his gratitude at the result of the intervention, but he criticized bitterly the method by which Madison and Claiborne had brought it about. He stated his belief that a surrender of the territory by "the constitutional authorities thereof as an independent state" was the only method that could give the United States "an unqualified and legal title" to its possession.[5] Claiborne himself reported that much of the resentment aroused among the people in West Florida by Madison's proclamation arose from the fact that it was not thought to be sufficiently respectful toward their constituted officials.[5]
    Congress passed a joint resolution, approved January 15, 1811, to provide for the temporary occupation of the disputed territory and declaring that the territory should remain subject to future negotiation.[16] On March 11, 1811, rebellious elements again raised the Lone Star flag of the West Florida Republic, forcing Governor Claiborne to dispatch troops to enforce his authority.[17] Spain did not agree to relinquish its title to any of the West Florida territory occupied by the United States until 1819.
    Artifacts[edit]

    The Constitution of the Republic of West Florida[18] was based largely on the United States Constitution, and divided the government into three branches: executive, judicial, and legislative. The legislature consisted of a Senate and House of Representatives. The Governor was chosen by the legislature. According to the constitution, the official name of the country was the "State of Florida".[18]
    Fulwar Skipwith, the first and only governor of the Republic of West Florida, was a cotton planter who lived just north of Baton Rouge. He was appointed by George Washington in 1795 to the staff of James Monroe, the U.S. ambassador to France, and was a consul general to France under President Thomas Jefferson. Shortly after moving to Baton Rouge in 1809, he became involved in the effort to free West Florida from Spanish domination. The former American diplomat had helped negotiate the Louisiana Purchase. In his inaugural address, Skipwith mentioned the possibility of annexation to the United States:
    ...wherever the voice of justice and humanity can be heard, our declaration, and our just rights will be respected. But the blood which flows in our veins, like the tributary streams which form and sustain the father of rivers, encircling our delightful country, will return if not impeded, to the heart of our parent country. The genius of Washington, the immortal founder of the liberties of America, stimulates that return, and would frown upon our cause, should we attempt to change its course.[14]:434
    The marching song of the West Floridian army included these lyrics in verse six:
    West Floriday, that lovely nation,Free from king and tyranny,Thru’ the world shall be respected,For her true love of Liberty.[7]:130United States annexation[edit]

    See also: West Florida Controversy and West Florida § American annexation of the territory

    A sketch map published in 1898 showing the territorial changes of "West Florida"[19]p 2

    The United States did not recognize the independence of the Republic of West Florida, and on October 27, 1810, President James Madison proclaimed that the United States should take possession of it, on the basis that it was part of the Louisiana Purchase.[20] In his proclamation, Madison invoked the portion of the Louisiana Purchase agreement that directly quoted the 1800 St. Ildefonso treaty[21] between France and Spain: Louisiana, Madison stated, had "the same extent that it had in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France originally possessed it." However, neither the 1800 treaty nor the 1803 purchase includes the word "originally"; instead, they state, "with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain and that it had when France possessed it."[21] Madison's tweak served his annexation rationale but had no basis in the treaty language.
    William C. C. Claiborne, the military governor of Orleans Territory, was sent to take possession of the territory. The West Florida government opposed annexation, preferring to negotiate terms to join the Union. Governor Skipwith proclaimed that he and his men would "surround the Flag-Staff and die in its defense."[5]:308
    Claiborne entered St. Francisville with his forces on December 6, 1810, and Baton Rouge on December 10, 1810. After Claiborne refused to recognize the West Florida government, Skipwith and the legislature eventually agreed to accept Madison's annexation proclamation. Congress passed a joint resolution, approved January 15, 1811, to provide for the temporary occupation of the disputed territory and declaring that the territory should remain subject to future negotiation.[16]
    According to the French negotiator of the Louisiana Purchase, François Barbé-Marbois, "The Louisianans themselves agreed that [the Baton Rouge district] had been considered to belong to Florida, but, nevertheless, the [state legislature] declared, by one of its first acts that this district of country was a portion of Louisiana. ... but this eagerness to strengthen doubtful pretensions by possession, does not accord with the spirit of justice that characterizes the other political acts of the United States."[22]
    The Mobile District, now coastal Mississippi and Alabama, remained under Spanish control until the War of 1812 with Britain, with whom Spain was allied. On May 14, 1812, the claimed portion of West Florida east of the Pearl River was assigned to Mississippi Territory, though at the time, the area around Mobile Bay remained under the control of Spanish Florida.[23][24] Following that Congressional declaration of annexation[25] and an act of February 12, 1813,[26] (3 Stat. L. 472) authorizing the President to occupy that area, U.S. General James Wilkinson sailed from New Orleans to Mobile in April 1813 with a force of 600, whereupon he received the surrender of the Spanish commander.
    Present-day Louisiana: the "Florida Parishes"[edit]

    In the state of Louisiana, the civil parishes (equivalent to counties elsewhere in the U.S.) that comprised the former Republic of West Florida are known today as the Florida Parishes. This is partly due to their short-lived independent state, but also in recognition of their heritage in a (British, then Spanish) colonial province extending eastward to modern Florida.[27]


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    California Republic

    California Republic
    Alta California
    Unrecognized state
    June 14 – July 9, 1846

    The Bear Flag


    Mexico's Department of Alta California, of which a small area north of San Francisco was controlled by the Bear Flag rebels
    Capital n/a
    Languages Spanish, Indigenous languages, and English.
    Government Republic
    Commander
    1846 William B. Ide
    History
    Independence from Mexico declared June 14, 1846
    Occupation of Sonoma by the U.S. military July 9, 1846
    In June 1846, a number of American immigrants in Alta California rebelled against the Mexican department's[notes 1][2]government. The immigrants had not been allowed to buy or rent land and had been threatened with expulsion from California because they had entered without official permission.[3][4] Mexican officials were concerned about a coming war with the United States coupled with the growing influx of Americans into California. The rebellion was soon overtaken by the beginning of the Mexican–American War.The California Republic was an unrecognized breakaway state that, for twenty-five days in 1846, militarily controlled the area to the north of the San Francisco Bay in the present-day state of California.[1]
    The name "California Republic" appeared only on the flag the insurgents raised in Sonoma.[5] It indicated their aspiration of forming a republican government for California. The insurgents elected military officers but no civil structure was ever established.[6] The flag featured an image of a California grizzly bear and became known as the Bear Flag and the revolt as the Bear Flag Revolt.
    Three weeks later, on July 5, 1846, the Republic's military of 100 to 200 men was subsumed into the California Battalion commanded by U.S. Army Brevet Captain John C. Frémont. The Bear Flag Revolt and whatever remained of the "California Republic" ceased to exist on July 9 when U.S. Navy Lieutenant Joseph Revere raised the United States flag in front of the Sonoma Barracks and sent a second flag to be raised at Sutter's Fort.[7]

    Background of the Bear Flag Revolt[edit]

    By 1845–46, Alta California had been largely neglected by Mexico for the twenty-five years since Mexican independence. It had evolved into a semi-autonomous region with open discussions among Californios about whether California should remain with Mexico; seek independence; or become annexed to the United Kingdom, France, or the United States. The 1845 removal of Manuel Micheltorena, the latest governor to be sent by Mexico and forcefully ejected by the Californians, resulted in a divided government. The region south of San Luis Obispo was ruled by Governor Pio Pico with his capital in The Town of Our Lady the Queen of Angels of the Porciúncula River, now known as Los Angeles. The area to the north of the pueblo of San Luis Obispo was under the control of Alta California's CommandanteJosé Castro with headquarters near Monterey, the traditional capital and, significantly, the location of the Customhouse. Pico and Castro disliked each other personally and soon began escalating disputes over control of the Customhouse income.[8]Alta California's Governance[edit]

    Decrees issued by the central government in Mexico City were often acknowledged and supported with proclamations but ignored in practice. By the end of 1845, when rumors of a military force being sent from Mexico proved to be false, rulings by the other district government were mostly ignored.[9]
    Texas, immigration and land[edit]


    US President James K. Polk favored expansionist policies that led to the annexation of Texas and California.

    The relationship between the United States and Mexico had been deteriorating for some time. Texas, which Mexico still considered to be its territory, had been admitted to statehood in 1845.[10] Mexico had earlier threatened war if this happened.[11] James K. Polk was elected President of the United States in 1844, and considered his election a mandate for his expansionist policies.[12]
    Mexican law had long allowed grants of land to naturalized Mexican citizens. Obtaining Mexican citizenship was not difficult and many earlier American immigrants had gone through the process and obtained free grants of land. That same year (1845) anticipation of war with the United States and the increasing number of immigrants reportedly coming from the United States resulted in orders from Mexico City denying immigrants from the United States entry into California.[13] The orders also required California's officials not to allow land grants, sales or even rental of land to non-citizen emigrants already in California. All non-citizen immigrants, who had arrived without permission, were threatened with being forced out of California.[14]
    Alta California's Sub-Prefect Francisco Guerrero had written to U.S. Consul Thomas O. Larkin that:
    a multitude of foreigners [having] come into California and bought fixed property [land], a right of naturalized foreigners only, he was under the necessity of notifying the authorities in each town to inform such purchasers that the transactions were invalid and they themselves subject to be expelled whenever the government might find it convenient.[4]

    José Castro commanded Mexican military forces in Alta California.

    During November 1845, California's Commandante General José Castro met with representatives of the 1845 American immigrants at Sonoma and Sutter’s Fort. In his decree dated November 6 he wrote: "Therefore conciliating my duty [to enforce the orders from Mexico] with of the sentiment of hospitality which distinguishes the Mexicans, and considering that most of said expedition is composed of families and industrious people, I have deemed it best to permit them, provisionally, to remain in the department" with the conditions that they obey all laws, apply within three months for a license to settle, and promise to depart if that license was not granted.[15]
    Captain Frémont in California[edit]


    John C. Fremont

    A 62-man exploring and mapping expedition entered California in late 1845 under the command of U.S. Army Brevet Captain John C. Frémont. Frémont was well known in the United States as an author and explorer. He was also the son-in-law of expansionist U.S. Senator Thomas Hart Benton. Early in 1846 Frémont acted provocatively with California's Commandante General José Castro near the pueblo of Monterey and then moved his group out of California into Oregon Country. He was followed into Oregon by U.S. Marine Lt Archibald H. Gillespie who had been sent from Washington with a secret message to U.S. Consul Thomas O. Larkin and instructions to share the message with Frémont. Gillespie also brought a packet of letters from Frémont's wife and father-in-law.[16]
    Frémont's thoughts (as related in his book, written forty years later) after reading the message and letters were: "I saw the way opening clear before me. War with Mexico was inevitable; and a grand opportunity presented itself to realize in their fullest extent the far-sighted views of Senator Benton. I resolved to move forward on the opportunity and return forthwith to the Sacramento valley in order to bring to bear all the influence I could command."[17] Nevertheless, Frémont needed to be circumspect. As a military officer he could face court-martial for violating the Neutrality Act of 1794 that made it illegal for an American to wage war against another country at peace with the United States. The next morning Gillespie and Frémont's group departed for California. Frémont returned to the Sacramento Valley and set up camp near Sutter Buttes.[18]
    USS Portsmouth in the San Francisco Bay[edit]


    USS Portsmouth

    U.S. Consul Thomas O. Larkin, concerned about the increasing possibility of war, sent a request to Commodore John D. Sloat of U.S. Navy's Pacific Squadron, for a warship to protect U.S. citizens and interests in Alta California. In response, the USS Portsmouth arrived at Monterey on April 22, 1846. After receiving information about Frémont's returning to California, Consul Larkin and Portsmouth's captain John Berrien Montgomery decided the ship should move into the San Francisco Bay. She sailed from Monterey on June 1.[19]
    Lt. Gillespie, having returned from the Oregon Country and his meeting with Frémont on June 7, found Portsmouth moored at Sausalito. He carried a request for money, materiel and supplies for Frémont's group. The requested resupplies were taken by the ship's launch up the Sacramento River to a location near Frémont's camp.[20]
    Bear Flag Revolt[edit]


    William B. Ide

    Settlers meet with Frémont[edit]

    William B. Ide, a future leader of the Revolt, writes of receiving an unsigned written message on June 8, 1846: "Notice is hereby given, that a large body of armed Spaniards on horseback, amounting to 250 men, have been seen on their way to the Sacramento Valley, destroying crops and burning houses, and driving off the cattle. Capt. Fremont invites every freeman in the valley to come to his camp at the Butts [sic], immediately; and he hopes to stay the enemy and put a stop to his" – (Here the sheet was folded and worn in-two, and no more is found).[21]Ide and other settlers quickly traveled to Frémont's camp but were generally dissatisfied by the lack of a specific plan and their inability to obtain from Frémont any definite promise of aid.[22]
    Taking of government horses[edit]

    Some of the group who had been meeting with Frémont departed from his camp and, on June 10, 1846, captured a herd of 170 Mexican government-owned horses being moved by Californio soldiers from San Rafael and Sonoma to the Californian Commandante General, José Castro, in Santa Clara. It had been reported amongst the emigrants that the officer in charge of the herd had made statements threatening that the horses would be used by Castro to drive the foreigners out of California. The captured horses were taken to Frémont’s new camp at the junction of the Feather and Bear rivers.[23]
    These men next determined to seize the pueblo of Sonoma to deny the Californios a rallying point north of San Francisco Bay.[24] Capturing both the arms and military materiel stored in the unmanned Presidio of Sonoma and Mexican Lieutenant Colonel Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo would delay any military response from the Californios. The insurgent group was nominally led by Ezekiel "Stuttering" Merritt, whom Frémont described as his "field-lieutenant" and lauded for not questioning him.[25][26]
    Capture of Sonoma[edit]


    Bear Flag monument in Sonoma

    Historian George Tays has cautioned “The description of the men, their actions just prior and subsequent to the taking of Sonoma, are as varied as the number of authors. No two accounts agree, and it is impossible to determine the truth of their statements.” [27]
    Before dawn on Sunday, June 14, 1846, over thirty American insurgents arrived at the pueblo of Sonoma. They had traveled overnight from Napa Valley. A majority of their number had started a couple of days earlier from Fremont’s camp in the Sacramento valley but others had joined the group along the way. Meeting no resistance, they approached Comandante Vallejo's home and pounded on his door. After a few minutes Vallejo opened the door dressed in his Mexican Army uniform. Communication was not good until American Jacob P. Leese (Vallejo’s brother-in-law) was summoned to translate.[28]
    Vallejo then invited the filibusters' leaders into his home to negotiate terms. Two other Californio officers and Leese joined the negotiations. The insurgents waiting outside sent elected "captains" John Grigsby and William Ide inside to speed the proceedings. The effect of Vallejo's hospitality in the form of wine and brandy for the negotiators and someone else's barrel of aguardiente for those outside is debatable. However, when the agreement was presented to those outside they refused to endorse it. Rather than releasing the Mexican officers under parole they insisted they be held as hostages. John Grigsby refused to remain as leader of the group, stating he had been deceived by Frémont. William Ide gave an impassioned speech urging the rebels to stay in Sonoma and start a new republic.[29] Referring to the stolen horses Ide ended his oration with "Choose ye this day what you will be! We are robbers, or we must be conquerors!"[30]
    At that time, Vallejo and his three associates were placed on horseback and taken to Frémont accompanied by eight or nine of the insurgents who did not favor forming a new republic under the circumstances.[31] That night they camped at the Vaca Rancho. Some young Californio vigilantes under Juan Padilla evaded the guards, aroused Vallejo and offered to help him escape. Vallejo declined, wanting to avoid any bloodshed and anticipating that Frémont would release him on parole.[32]
    The Sonoma Barracks became the headquarters for the remaining twenty-four rebels, who within a few days created their Bear Flag (see the "Bear Flag" section below). After the flag was raised Californios called the insurgents Los Osos (The Bears) because of their flag and in derision of their often scruffy appearance. The rebels embraced the expression, and their uprising, which they originally called the Popular Movement, became known as the Bear Flag Revolt.[33] Henry L. Ford was elected First Lieutenant of the company and obtained promises of obedience to orders.[6] Samuel Kelsey was elected Second Lieutenant, Grandville P. Swift and Samuel Gibson Sergeants.[34]
    Ide's proclamation[edit]

    William B. Ide wrote a proclamation announcing and explaining the reasons for the revolt during the night of June 14–15, 1846 (below). There were additional copies and some more moderate versions (produced in both English and Spanish) distributed around northern California through June 18.[35]
    To all persons, citizens of Sonoma, requesting them to remain at peace, and to follow their rightful occupations without fear of molestation.
    The Commander in Chief of the Troops assembled at the Fortress of Sonoma gives his inviolable pledge to all persons in California not found under arms that they shall not be disturbed in their persons, their property or social relations one to another by men under his command.
    He also solemnly declares his object to be First, to defend himself and companions in arms who were invited to this country by a promise of Lands on which to settle themselves and families who were also promised a "republican government," who, when having arrived in California were denied even the privilege of buying or renting Lands of their friends, who instead of being allowed to participate in or being protected by a "Republican Government" were oppressed by a "Military Despotism," who were even threatened, by "Proclamation" from the Chief Officer of the aforesaid Despotism, with extermination if they would not depart out of the Country, leaving all of their property, their arms and beasts of burden, and thus deprived of the means of flight or defense. We were to be driven through deserts, inhabited by hostile Indians to certain destruction. To overthrow a Government which has seized upon the property of the Missions for its individual aggrandizement; which has ruined and shamefully oppressed the laboring people of California, by their enormous exactions on goods imported into this country; is the determined purpose of the brave men who are associated under his command.
    He also solemnly declares his object in the Second place to be to invite all peaceable and good Citizens of California who are friendly to the maintenance of good order and equal rights (and I do hereby invite them to repair to my camp at Sonoma without delay) to assist us in establishing and perpetuating a "Republican Government" which shall secure to all: civil and religious liberty; which shall detect and punish crime; which shall encourage industry, virtue and literature; which shall leave unshackled by Fetters, Commerce, Agriculture, and Mechanism.
    He further declares that he relies upon the rectitude of our intentions; the favor of Heaven and the bravery of those who are bound to and associated with him, by the principle of self preservation; by the love of truth; and by the hatred of tyranny for his hopes of success.
    He further declares that he believes that a Government to be prosperous and happyfying [sic] in its tendency must originate with its people who are friendly to its existence. That its Citizens are its Guardians, its officers are its Servants, and its Glory their reward.— William B. Ide, Head Quarters Sonoma, June 15, 1846
    Need for gunpowder[edit]

    A major problem for the Bears in Sonoma was the lack of sufficient gunpowder to defend against the expected Mexican attack. William Todd was dispatched on Monday the fifteenth, with a letter[notes 2] to be delivered to the USS Portsmouth telling of the events in Sonoma and describing themselves as "fellow country men". Todd, having been instructed not to repeat any of the requests in the letter (refers to their need for gunpowder), disregarded that and voiced the request for gunpowder. Captain Montgomery, while sympathetic, declined because of his country's neutrality.[36] Todd, José de Rosa (the messenger Vallejo sent to Montgomery), and U.S. Navy Lieutenant John S. Misroon returned to Sonoma in the Portsmouth's launch the morning of the 16th. Misroon's mission was, without interfering with the revolt, to prevent violence to noncombatants.[37]
    Todd was given a second assignment. He was sent to Bodega Bay with an unnamed companion (sometimes call 'the Englishman') to obtain powder from American settlers in that area.[38] On June 18, Bears Thomas Cowie and George Fowler were sent to Rancho Sotoyome (near current-day Healdsburg, California) to pick up a cache of gunpowder from Moses Carson, brother of Frémont's scout Kit Carson.[39]
    Sutter's Fort[edit]


    Sutter's Fort

    Frémont's "field-lieutenant" Merritt returned to Sacramento on June 16 with his prisoners and recounted the events in Sonoma. Frémont either was fearful of going against the popular sentiment at Sonoma or saw the advantages of holding the Californio officers as hostages. He also decided to imprison Governor Vallejo's brother-in-law, the American Jacob Leese, in Sutter's Fort.[40] Frémont recounts in his memoirs, "Affairs had now assumed a critical aspect and I presently saw that the time had come when it was unsafe to leave events to mature under unfriendly, or mistaken, direction … I knew the facts of the situation. These I could not make known, but felt warranted in assuming the responsibility and acting on my own knowledge."[41]
    Frémont's artist and cartographer on his third expedition, Edward Kern, was placed in command of Sutter's Fort and its company of dragoons by Frémont. [42] That left John Sutter the assignment as lieutenant of the dragoons at $50 a month, and second in command of his own fort. [42]
    While in command there news of the stranded Donner Party reached Kern; Sutter's Fort had been their unreached destination.[43] Kern vaguely promised the federal government would do something for a rescue party across the Sierra, but had no authority to pay anyone. [43] He was later criticized for his mismanagement delaying the search. [44][45]
    Castro's response[edit]

    Word of the taking of the government horses, the capture of Sonoma, and the imprisonment of the Mexican officers at Sutter's Fort soon reached Commandante General José Castro at his headquarters in Santa Clara. He issued two proclamations on June 17. The first asked the citizens of California to come to the aid of their country. The second promised protection for all foreigners not involved in the revolt. A group of 50–60 militia under command of Captain Joaquin de la Torre traveled up to San Pablo and, by boat, westward across the San Francisco Bay to Point San Quentin on the 23rd. Two additional divisions with a total of about 100 men arrived at San Pablo on June 27.[46]
    Battle of Olúmpali[edit]

    On June 20 when the procurement parties failed to return as expected, Lieutenant Ford sent Sergeant Gibson with four men to Rancho Sotoyome. Gibson obtained the powder and on the way back fought with several Californians and captured one of them. From the prisoner they learned of the deaths of Cowie and Fowler. There are Californio and Oso versions of what had happened. Ford also learned that William Todd and his companion had been captured by the Californio irregulars led by Juan Padilla and José Ramón Carrillo.[38]
    Ford writes, in his biography, that before leaving Sonoma to search for the other two captives and Padilla's men, he sent a note to Ezekiel Merritt in Sacramento asking him to gather volunteers to help defend Sonoma. Ide's version is that Ford wrote to Frémont saying that the Bears had lost confidence in Ide's leadership. In either case, Ford then rode toward Santa Rosa with seventeen to nineteen Bears. Not finding Padilla, the Bears headed toward one of his homes near Two Rock. The following morning the Bears captured three or four men near the Rancho Laguna de San Antonio and unexpectedly discovered what they assumed was Juan Padilla's group near the Indian rancho of Olúmpali.[47]Ford approached the adobe but more men appeared and others came "pouring out of the adobe". Militiamen from south of the Bay, led by Mexican Captain Joaquin de la Torre, had joined with Padilla's irregulars and now numbered about seventy. Ford's men positioned themselves in a grove of trees and opened fire when the enemy charged on horseback, killing one Californio and wounding another. During the ensuing long-range battle, William Todd and his companion escaped from the house where they were being held and ran to the Bears. The Californios disengaged from the ensuing long-range fighting after suffering a few wounded and returned to San Rafael.[48] A Californian militiaman reported that their muskets could not shoot as far as the rifles used by some Bears.[49] This was the only battle fought during the Bear Flag Revolt.[50]
    The deaths of Cowie and Fowler, as well as the lethal battle, raised the anxiety of both the Californios, who left the area for safety, and the immigrants, who moved into Sonoma to be under the protection of the muskets and cannon that had been taken from the Sonoma Barracks. This increased the number in Sonoma to about two hundred.[24] Some immigrant families were housed in the Barracks, others in the homes of the Californios.[47][51]
    Frémont arrives to defend Sonoma[edit]


    Sonoma

    Having learned of Ford's request for volunteers to defend Sonoma and hearing reports that General Castro was preparing an attack, Frémont left his camp near Sutter's Fort for Sonoma on June 23. With him were ninety men – his own party plus trappers and settlers under Samuel J. Hensley. Frémont would say in his memoirs that he wrote a letter of resignation from the Army and sent it to his father-in-law Thomas Hart Benton in case the government should wish to disavow his action. They arrived at Sonoma in the early morning of the 25th and by noon were on their way to San Rafael accompanied by a contingent of Bears under Ford's command. They arrived at the former San Rafael mission but the Californios had vanished. The rebels set up camp in the old mission and sent out scouting parties.[52][53]
    On Sunday the 28th a small boat was spotted coming across the bay. Kit Carson and some companions went to intercept it. It held twin brothers Francisco and Ramón de Haro, their uncle José de la Reyes Berreyesa, and an oarsman (probably one of the Castro brothers from San Pablo) – all unarmed. The Haro brothers and Berreyesa were dropped off at the shoreline and started on foot for the mission. All three were shot and killed. Beyond that almost every fact is disputed. Some say Frémont ordered the killings. Others, that they were carrying secret messages from Castro to Torre. Others that Carson committed the homicides as revenge for the deaths of Cowie and Fowler or they were shot by Frémont's Delaware Indians. This incident became an issue in Frémont's later campaign for President. Partisan eyewitnesses and newspapers related totally conflicting stories.[54][55]
    Captain de la Torre's ruse[edit]

    Late the same afternoon as the killings a scouting party intercepted a letter indicating that Torre intended to attack Sonoma the following morning. Frémont felt there was no choice but to return to defend Sonoma as quickly as possible. The garrison there had found a similar letter and had all weapons loaded and at the ready before dawn the next day when Frémont and Ford's forces approached Sonoma – almost provoking firing by the garrison. Frémont, understanding that he had been tricked, left again for San Rafael after a hasty breakfast. He arrived back at the old mission within twenty-four hours of leaving but during that period Torre and his men had time to escape to San Pablo via boat. Torre had successfully used the ruse not only to escape but almost succeeded in provoking a 'friendly fire' incident among the insurgents.[56]
    After reaching San Pablo, Torre reported that the combined rebel force was too strong to be attacked as planned. All three of Castro's divisions then returned to the old headquarters near Santa Clara where a council of war was held on June 30. It was decided that the current plan must be abandoned and any new approach would require the cooperation of Pio Pico and his southern forces. A messenger was sent to the Governor. Meanwhile, the army moved southwards to San Juan where General Castro was on July 6 when he learned of the events in Monterey.[57]


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    Republic of Texas





    Republic of Texas
    República de Texas
    1836–1846


    Map of the Republic of Texas in green. The claimed area is in light green, while populated territory is in dark green.
    Capital San Antonio de Bexar ((Mexican Texas))
    San Felipe de Austin 1835 (provisional)
    Washington-on-the-Brazos 1836 (interim)
    Harrisburg 1836 (interim)
    Galveston 1836 (interim)
    Velasco 1836 (interim)
    Columbia 1836–37
    Houston 1837–39
    Austin 1839–46
    Languages English and Spanish (de facto)French, German
    American Indian languagesand Czech regionally
    Government Constitutional republic
    President1
    1836 David G. Burnet
    1836–1838 Sam Houston
    1838–1841 Mirabeau B. Lamar
    1841–1844 Sam Houston
    1844–1846 Anson Jones
    Vice President1
    1836 Lorenzo de Zavala
    1836–1838 Mirabeau B. Lamar
    1838–1841 David G. Burnet
    1841–1844 Edward Burleson
    1844–1845 Kenneth L. Anderson
    Legislature Congress
    Historical era Western Expansion
    Independence from Mexico March 2, 1836
    Annexation by the United States of America December 29, 1845
    Transfer of power February 19, 1846
    Area
    1840 1,007,935 km² (389,166 sq mi)
    Population
    1840 est. 70,000
    Density 0.1 /km² (0.2 /sq mi)
    Currency Republic of Texas Dollar ($)
    1Interim period (March 16 – October 22, 1836): President:David G. Burnet, Vice President Lorenzo de Zavala

    The Burnet Flag used from December 1836 to January 1839 as the national flag until it was replaced by the Lone Star Flag, and as the war flag from January 25, 1839 to December 29, 1845[1]



    Naval ensign of the Texas Navy from 1836–1839 until it was replaced by the Lone Star Flag[1]



    The Lone Star Flag became the national flag on January 25, 1839(identical to modern state flag)[1]

    The Republic of Texas (Spanish: República de Texas) was an independent sovereign country in North America that existed from March 2, 1836, to February 19, 1846. It was bordered by Mexico to the west and southwest, the Gulf of Mexico to the southeast, the two U.S. states of Louisiana and Arkansas to the east and northeast, and United States territories encompassing the current U.S. states of Oklahoma, Kansas, Colorado, and Wyoming to the north. The citizens of the republic were known as Texians.
    The Mexican province of Tejas (in English history books usually referred to as Mexican Texas) declared its independence from Mexico during the Texas Revolution in 1836. The Texas war of independence ended on April 21, 1836, but Mexico refused to recognize the independence of the Republic of Texas, and intermittent conflicts between the two states continued into the 1840s. The United States recognized the Republic of Texas in March 1837 but declined to annex the territory.[2]
    The Republic-claimed borders were based upon the Treaties of Velasco between the newly created Texas Republic and Antonio López de Santa Anna of Mexico. The eastern boundary had been defined by the Adams–Onís Treaty of 1819 between the United States and Spain, which recognised the Sabine River as the eastern boundary of Spanish Texas and western boundary of the Missouri Territory. Under the Adams–Onís Treaty of 1819 the United States had renounced its claim to Spanish land to the east of the Rocky Mountains and to the north of the Rio Grande which it claimed to have acquired as part of the Louisiana Purchase of 1803.
    The republic's southern and western boundary with Mexico continued to be disputed throughout the republic's existence. Texas claimed the Rio Grande as its southern boundary, while Mexico insisted that the Nueces River was the boundary. Texas was annexed by the United States on December 29, 1845 and was admitted to the Union as the 28th state on that day, with the transfer of power from the Republic to the new state formally taking place on February 19, 1846. However, the United States again inherited the southern and western border dispute with Mexico, which became a trigger for the Mexican–American War of 1846–48.
    History[edit]

    Texas prior to independence[edit]

    See also: Spanish Texas and Mexican Texas
    Texas had been one of the Provincias Internas of New Spain, a region known historiographically as Spanish Texas. Though claimed by Spain, it was not formally colonized by them until competing French interests at Fort St. Louis encouraged Spain to establish permanent settlements in the area.[3] Sporadic missionary incursions occurred into the area during the period from the 1690s–1710s, before the establishment of San Antonio as a permanent civilian settlement.[4] Owing to the area's high Native American populations and its remoteness from the population centers of New Spain, Texas remained largely unsettled by Europeans, although Spain maintained a small military presence to protect Christian missionaries working among Native American tribes, and to act as a buffer against the French in Louisiana and British North America. In 1762, France ceded to Spain most of its claims to the interior of North America, including its claim to Texas, as well as the vast interior that became Spanish Louisiana.[5] During the years 1799 to 1803, the height of the Napoleonic Empire, Spain returned Louisiana back to France, which promptly sold the territory to the United States. The status of Texas during these transfers was unclear and was not resolved until 1819, when the Adams–Onís Treaty ceded Spanish Florida to the United States, and established a clear boundary between Texas and Louisiana.[6]
    Starting in 1810, the territories of New Spain north of the Isthmus of Panama (including Texas) sought independence in the Mexican War of Independence. Many Americans fought on the side of Mexico against Spain in filibustering expeditions. One of these, the Gutiérrez–Magee Expedition (also known as the Republican Army of the North) consisted of a group of about 130 Americans under the joint leadership of Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara and Augustus Magee. Bolstered by new recruits, and led Samuel Kemper (who succeeded Magee after his death in battle in 1813), the expedition gained a series of victories against soldiers led by the Spanish governor, Manuel María de Salcedo. Their victory at the Battle of Rosillo Creek convinced Salcedo to surrender on April 1, 1813; he was executed two days later. On April 6, 1813, the victorious Republican Army of the North drafted a constitution and declared the independent Republic of Texas, with Gutiérrez as its president.[7] Soon disillusioned with the Mexican leadership, the Americans under Kemper returned to the United States. The ephemeral Republic of Texas came to an end following the August 18, 1813 Battle of Medina, where the Spanish Army crushed the Republican Army of the North. The harsh reprisals against the Texas rebels created a deep distrust of the Royal Spanish authorities, and veterans of the Battle of Medina would later become leaders of the Texas Revolution and signatories of the Texas Declaration of Independence from Mexico some 20 years later.
    Along with the rest of Mexico, Texas gained its independence from Spain following the Treaty of Córdoba, and the new Mexican state was organized under the Plan of Iguala which created Mexico as a constitutional monarchy under its first Emperor Agustín de Iturbide. During the transition from a Spanish territory to part of the independent country of Mexico, Stephen F. Austin led a group of American settlers known as the Old Three Hundred, who negotiated the right to settle in Texas with the Spanish Royal governor of the territory. Since Mexican independence had been ratified by Spain shortly thereafter, Austin would later travel to Mexico City to secure the support of the new country in his right to settle.[8] The establishment of Mexican Texas coincided with the Austin-led settlement, leading to animosity between Mexican authorities and ongoing American settlement of Texas. The First Mexican Empire was short lived, being replaced by a republican form of government in 1823. Following Austin's lead, additional groups of settlers, known as Empresarios, continued to colonize Mexican Texas from the United States. In 1830, Mexican President Anastasio Bustamante outlawed American immigration to Texas, following several conflicts with the Empresarios over the status of slavery in the region.[9] Angered at the interference of the Mexican government, the Empresarios held the Convention of 1832, which is considered the first formal step in what would later become the Texas Revolution.
    On the eve of war, the American settlers in the area outnumbered Mexicans by a considerable margin.[10] Following a series of minor skirmishes between Mexican authorities and the settlers, the Mexican government, fearing open rebellion of their Anglo subjects, began to step up military presence in Texas throughout 1834 and early 1835. Mexican President Antonio López de Santa Anna revoked the 1824 Constitution of Mexico and began to consolidate power in the central government under his own leadership. The Texian leadership under Austin began to organize its own military, and hostilities broke out on October 2, 1835 at the Battle of Gonzales, the first engagement of the Texas Revolution.[11] In November, 1835 a provisional government known as the Consultation was established to oppose the Santa Anna regime (but stopped short of declaring independence from Mexico). On March 1, 1836 the Convention of 1836 came to order, and the next day declared independence from Mexico, establishing the Republic of Texas.[12]
    Independent republic[edit]

    The second Congress of the Republic of Texas convened in October 1836 at Columbia (now West Columbia). Stephen F. Austin, known as the Father of Texas, died December 27, 1836, after serving two months as Secretary of State for the new Republic.[edit]

    In 1836, five sites served as temporary capitals of Texas (Washington-on-the-Brazos, Harrisburg, Galveston, Velasco and Columbia), before President Sam Houston moved the capital to Houston in 1837. The next president, Mirabeau B. Lamar, moved the capital to the new town of Austin in 1839.
    The first flag of the republic was the "Burnet Flag" (a gold star on an azure field), followed in 1839 by official adoption of the Lone Star Flag.
    Internal politics of the Republic centred on two factions. The nationalist faction, led by Lamar, advocated the continued independence of Texas, the expulsion of the Native Americans (Indians), and the expansion of Texas to the Pacific Ocean. Their opponents, led by Houston, advocated the annexation of Texas to the United States and peaceful coexistence with the Indians, when possible. The Texas Congress even passed a resolution over Houston's veto claiming the Californias for Texas.[13] The 1844 presidential election split the electorate dramatically, with the newer western regions of the Republic preferring the nationalist candidate Edward Burleson, while the cotton country, particularly east of the Trinity River, went for Anson Jones.[14]
    Armed conflict[edit]

    The Comanche Indians furnished the main Indian opposition to the Texas Republic, manifested in multiple raids on settlements, capture and rape of female pioneers, torture killings, and trafficking in captive slaves.[15] In the late 1830s, Sam Houston negotiated a peace between Texas and the Comanches. Lamar replaced Houston as president in 1838 and reversed the Indian policies. He returned to war with the Comanches and invaded Comancheria itself. In retaliation, the Comanches attacked Texas in a series of raids. After peace talks in 1840 ended with the massacre of 34 Comanche leaders in San Antonio, the Comanches launched a major attack deep into Texas, known as the Great Raid of 1840. Under command of Potsanaquahip (Buffalo Hump), 500 to 700 Comanche cavalry warriors swept down the Guadalupe River valley, killing and plundering all the way to the shore of the Gulf of Mexico, where they sacked the towns of Victoria and Linnville. Houston became president again in 1841 and, with both Texians and Comanches exhausted by war, a new peace was established.[16]
    Although Texas achieved self-government, Mexico refused to recognize its independence.[17] On March 5, 1842, a Mexican force of over 500 men, led by Ráfael Vásquez, invaded Texas for the first time since the revolution. They soon headed back to the Rio Grande after briefly occupying San Antonio. About 1,400 Mexican troops, led by the French mercenary general Adrián Woll, launched a second attack and captured San Antonio on September 11, 1842. A Texas militia retaliated at the Battle of Salado Creek while simultaneously, a mile and a half away, Mexican soldiers massacred a militia of fifty-three Texas volunteers who had surrendered after a skirmish.[18][19] That night, the Mexican Army retreated from the city of San Antonio back to Mexico.
    Mexico's attacks on Texas intensified conflicts between political factions, including an incident known as the Texas Archive War. To "protect" the Texas national archives, President Sam Houston ordered them removed from Austin. The archives were eventually returned to Austin, albeit at gunpoint. The Texas Congress admonished Houston for the incident, and this episode in Texas history would solidify Austin as Texas's seat of government for the Republic and the future state.[20]
    There were also domestic disturbances. The Regulator–Moderator War involved a land feud in Harrison and Shelby Counties in East Texas from 1839 to 1844. The feud eventually involved Nacogdoches, San Augustine, and other East Texas counties. Harrison County Sheriff John J. Kennedy and county judge Joseph U. Fields helped end the conflict, siding with the law-and-order party. Sam Houston ordered 500 militia to help end the feud.
    Government[edit]

    However, it is important to note that citizenship was not granted to all previous inhabitants of Texas, and not all of them could even live legally within the limits of the Republic without the consent of Congress. In this regard, the Constitution of the Republic of Texas (1836) established major differences according to the ethnicity of each individual. Section 10 of the General Provisions of the constitution stated that all persons who were residing in Texas on the day of the Declaration of Independence were to be considered citizens of the Republic, excepting "Africans, the descendants of Africans, and Indians".[22] For new white immigrants, section 6 established that, in order to become citizens, they needed to live in the Republic for at least six months and take an oath. While regarding the black population, section 9 established that black persons who were brought to Texas as slaves were to remain slaves, and that not even their owner could emancipate them without the consent of Congress, while the Congress itself was not allowed to make laws affecting the slave trade or to declare emancipation. Section 9 also established that: "No free person of African descent, either in whole or in part, shall be permitted to reside permanently in the Republic, without the consent of Congress".[23]After gaining their independence, the Texas voters had elected a Congress of 14 senators and 29 representatives in September 1836. The Constitution allowed the first president to serve for two years and subsequent presidents for 3 years. In order to hold an office or vote, a person needed to be a citizen of the Republic.[21]
    The first Congress of the Republic of Texas convened in October 1836 at Columbia (now West Columbia). Stephen F. Austin, often referred to as the "Father of Texas," died on December 27, 1836, after serving just two months as the republic's secretary of state. Due mainly to the ongoing war for independence, five sites served as temporary capitals of Texas in 1836: (Washington-on-the-Brazos, Harrisburg, Galveston, Velasco and Columbia). The capital was moved to the new city of Houston in 1837.
    In 1839, a small pioneer settlement situated on the Colorado River in central Texas was chosen as the republic's seventh and final capital. Incorporated under the name Waterloo, the town was renamed Austin shortly thereafter in honor of Stephen F. Austin.
    The court system inaugurated by Congress included a Supreme Court consisting of a chief justice appointed by the president and four associate justices, elected by a joint ballot of both houses of Congress for four-year terms and eligible for re-election. The associates also presided over four judicial districts. Houston nominated James Collinsworth to be the first chief justice. The county-court system consisted of a chief justice and two associates, chosen by a majority of the justices of the peace in the county. Each county was also to have a sheriff, a coroner, justices of the peace, and constables to serve two-year terms. Congress formed 23 counties, whose boundaries generally coincided with the existing municipalities.
    In 1839, Texas became the first nation in the world to enact a homestead exemption under which a person's primary residence could not be seized by creditors.
    Boundaries[edit]

    Diplomatic relations[edit]

    Main article: Foreign relations of the Republic of Texas

    The Republic also received diplomatic recognition from Belgium, the Netherlands, and the Republic of Yucatán. The United Kingdom never granted official recognition of Texas due to its own friendly relations with Mexico, but admitted Texan goods into British ports on their own terms. In London, the original Embassy of the Republic of Texas still stands, and there is a restaurant with such a name west of Trafalgar Square. Immediately opposite the gates to St. James's Palace, Sam Houston's original Embassy of the Republic of Texas to the Court of St. James's is now a hat shop, but is clearly marked with a large plaque and a nearby restaurant is called Texas Embassy.[29] A plaque on the exterior of 3 St. James's Street in London notes the upper floors of the building (which have housed the noted wine merchant Berry Brothers and Rudd since 1698) housed the Texas Legation.On March 3, 1837, US President Andrew Jackson appointed Alcée La Branche American chargé d'affaires to the Republic of Texas, thus officially recognizing Texas as an independent republic.[26] France granted official recognition of Texas on September 25, 1839, appointing Alphonse Dubois de Saligny to serve as chargé d'affaires. The French Legation was built in 1841, and still stands in Austin as the oldest frame structure in the city.[27] Conversely, the Republic of Texas embassy in Paris was located in what is now the Hôtel de Vendôme, adjacent to the Place Vendôme in Paris' 2e arrondissement.[28]
    Statehood[edit]

    Main article: Texas annexation
    On February 28, 1845, the US Congress passed a bill that would authorize the United States to annex the Republic of Texas. On March 1, US President John Tyler signed the bill. The legislation set the date for annexation for December 29 of the same year. Faced with imminent American annexation of Texas, Charles Elliot and Alphonse de Saligny, the British and French ministers to Texas, were dispatched to Mexico City by their governments. Meeting with Mexico's foreign secretary, they signed a "Diplomatic Act" in which Mexico offered to recognize an independent Texas with boundaries that would be determined with French and British mediation. Texas President Anson Jones forwarded both offers to a specially elected convention meeting at Austin, and the American proposal was accepted with only one dissenting vote. The Mexican proposal was never put to a vote. Following the previous decree of President Jones, the proposal was then put to a vote throughout the republic.

    On October 13, 1845, a large majority of voters in the republic approved both the American offer and the proposed constitution that specifically endorsed slavery and emigrants bringing slaves to Texas.[30]This constitution was later accepted by the US Congress, making Texas a US state on the same day annexation took effect, December 29, 1845 (therefore bypassing a territorial phase).[31] One of the motivations for annexation was the huge debts which the Republic of Texas government had incurred. As part of the Compromise of 1850, in return for $10,000,000 in Federal bonds, Texas dropped claims to territory which included parts of present-day Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Wyoming.

    Proposals for Texas's north and west boundaries in 1850 debate





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    Quote Originally Posted by HitoKichi View Post
    Republic of West Florida

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia




    Republic of West Florida
    Short-lived independent state
    (area disputed between Spain and the United States from 1803–1821)
    1810

    Flag

    Capital St. Francisville
    Government Republic
    Governor
    1810 Fulwar Skipwith
    Legislature Senate and House of Representatives
    Historical era U.S. westward expansion
    rebel capture of Fort San Carlos at Baton Rouge September 23, 1810
    declaration of independence from Spain September 26, 1810
    Madison proclaims "possession should be taken"; sends Claiborne to do so October 27, 1810
    St. Francisville acquiesces to U.S. Army December 6, 1810
    surrender of Baton Rouge to U.S. Army December 10, 1810
    Preceded by Succeeded by
    Today part of United States
    On July 17, 1821, Spain's governor of its West Florida province formally delivered it to U.S. General Andrew Jackson under the Adams–Onís Treaty.[1]
    The Republic of West Florida was a short-lived republic in the western region of Spanish West Florida for several months during 1810. It was annexed and occupied by the United States later in 1810 and is today an eastern part of the U.S. state of Louisiana.
    Contents

    [hide]



    Boundaries[edit]

    The boundaries of the Republic of West Florida included all territory south of parallel 31°N, east of the Mississippi River, and north of the waterway formed by the Iberville River, Amite River, Lake Maurepas, Pass Manchac, Lake Pontchartrain, and the Rigolets. The Pearl River, with its branch that flowed into the Rigolets, formed the eastern boundary of the republic.[2] A military expedition from the republic attempted but failed to capture the Spanish outpost at Mobile, which was situated between the Pearl and the Perdido River, farther to the east. Despite its name, none of the Republic of West Florida was within the borders of the present-day state of Florida, but rather entirely within the present borders of Louisiana.
    Louisiana parishes once part of the Republic of West Florida are:


    History[edit]

    Before 1762, France had owned and administered the land west of the Perdido River as part of La Louisiane. In 1762, France signed a secret treaty with Spain that had effectively ceded all French lands west of the Mississippi River, plus the Isle of New Orleans,[3] to Spain. At the end of the Seven Years' War in 1763, France ceded its remaining lands east of the Mississippi River (which included the land between the Perdido and Mississippi Rivers) to Great Britain, while Spain ceded its Florida territory to Britain.
    Twenty years later, at the conclusion of the American Revolutionary War in 1783, Spain received both East and West Florida from Great Britain. The United States and Spain held long negotiations regarding the northern border of West Florida, concluding with Pinckney's Treaty in 1795.
    In 1800, under duress from Napoleon of France, Spain ceded Louisiana and the island of New Orleans back to France, which promised to return them to Spain should France ever relinquish them. This cession did not include West Florida. In 1803, France then sold Louisiana and New Orleans to the United States.[4] The U.S. claimed that West Florida was part of the Louisiana Purchase, a claim disputed by Spain, as it had controlled West Florida as a province separate from Spanish Louisiana since 1783.
    There was an influx of Americans into West Florida in the early years of the 19th century. The population of the Baton Rouge District was almost exclusively Anglo-American with a substantial number of Tory immigrants of the revolutionary period. Some of the Americans were land speculators eager to profit should the territory join the U.S.[5]:290–293
    During the decade after 1803, the U.S. southern border was the scene of many minor frontier events that involved diplomatic relations with Britain, France and Spain. In order to resolve the problems along that border and gain control of ports for commerce, the U.S. desired to possess all territory east of the Mississippi.[5]:290–291 West Florida occupied the land from the Mississippi River to beyond the Mobile River and also separated the United States' Orleans and Mississippi territories. (New Orleans and West Florida had been the prime U.S. desires in the negotiations with Napoleon that resulted instead in the Louisiana Purchase.)
    In West Florida, from June to September 1810, many secret meetings of those who resented Spanish rule, as well as three openly-held conventions, took place in the Baton Rouge District. Out of those meetings grew the West Florida rebellion[6] and the establishment of the independent Republic of West Florida. Its capital was located at St. Francisville, in present-day Louisiana on a bluff along the Mississippi River.
    Early in the morning on September 23, 1810, armed rebels stormed Fort San Carlos at Baton Rouge and killed two Spanish soldiers[7]:107 "in a sharp and bloody firefight that wrested control of the region from the Spanish."[8] The rebels unfurled the flag of the new republic, a single white star on a blue field made by Melissa Johnson, wife of Major Isaac Johnson, commander of the Feliciana cavalry engaged in the attack.[7]:89, 93, 102 (The "Bonnie Blue Flag" that was flown fifty years later at the start of the American Civil War resembles it.[9])
    After the successful attack, organized by Philemon Thomas, plans were made to take Mobile and Pensacola from the Spanish and incorporate the eastern part of the province into the new republic.[10] Reuben Kemper led a small force in an attempt to capture Mobile, but the expedition ended in failure.
    For some time, the governors of the Orleans and Mississippi territories, William C. C. Claiborne and David Holmes, respectively, had been U.S. President James Madison's two chief agents in securing intelligence on West Florida. Upon learning of the revolt, Madison wanted to move quickly to annex the district but knew he could not use the military without congressional approval. Congress would not meet until December 1810. Military occupation would incur the wrath of Spain and perhaps also England and France. He feared if he did not move, West Florida could fall into unfriendly hands, as a considerable part of the population had previously been British subjects.[11]:7
    Though troubled by "constitutional qualms",[12]:215 Madison did not want to let the opportunity pass unexploited and "resorted to the oldest justification in the political book: he acted, even without clear ... authority on the grounds that 'a crisis has at length arrived subversive of the order of things under the Spanish authorities.' "[13] Critics quickly condemned the president "for acting without proper authority and for supplanting the jurisdiction of the Spanish, friends who had done nothing to deserve such aggression."[14]: 538–543
    Support for the revolt was far from unanimous. The presence of competing pro-Spanish, pro-American, and pro-independence factions, as well as the presence of scores of foreign agents, contributed to a "virtual civil war within the Revolt as the competing factions jockeyed for position."[8] The faction that favored the continued independence of West Florida secured the adoption of a constitution at a convention in October. The convention had earlier commissioned an army under General Philemon Thomas to march across the territory, subdue opposition to the insurrection, and seek to secure as much Spanish-held territory as possible.[8] "Residents of the western Florida Parishes proved largely supportive of the Revolt, while the majority of the population in the eastern region of the Florida Parishes opposed the insurrection. Thomas' army violently suppressed opponents of the revolt, leaving a bitter legacy in the Tangipahoa and Tchefuncte River regions."[8]
    Claiborne and Holmes had to contend with the armed force under Thomas and the fact that those in control were determined not to submit to the United States without terms in regard to land titles and to refugees. The two governors took steps to prepare the minds of the people to receive them and at the same time to overwhelm possible opposition by a show of force[5] — including a U.S. Army contingent from Fort Adams, under the command of Brigadier General Leonard Covington.[15]
    On November 7, Fulwar Skipwith was elected as governor, together with members of a bicameral legislature. For several weeks, he personally directed the preparations for the dispatch of the armed force to wrest the remainder of West Florida from Spain.[7]:129 Skipwith's inauguration ceremony was held on November 29. A week later, he and many of his fellow officials still lingered at St. Francisville preparing to go to Baton Rouge, where the next session of the legislature was to consider his ambitious program. The impending takeover apparently came as a surprise to Skipwith when Holmes and his party approached the town. Holmes persuaded all except a few leaders, including Skipwith and Philemon Thomas, the leader of the West Florida troops, to acquiesce to American authority.[5]
    Skipwith complained bitterly to Holmes that, as a result of seven years of U.S. tolerance of continued Spanish occupation, the United States had abandoned its right to the country and that the West Florida people would not now submit to the American government without conditions.[5] Skipwith and several of his unreconciled legislators then departed for the fort at Baton Rouge, rather than surrender the country unconditionally and without terms.[5]
    At Baton Rouge on December 9, Skipwith informed Holmes that he would no longer resist but could not speak for the troops in the fort. Their commander was John Ballinger, who upon the assurance of Holmes that his troops would not be harmed, agreed to surrender the fort. Claiborne and his forces landed two miles above the town. Holmes reported to Claiborne that "the armed citizens ... are ready to retire from the fort and acknowledge the authority of the United States" without insisting upon any terms. Claiborne agreed to a respectful ceremony to mark the formal act of transfer. Thus, at 2:30 p.m. that afternoon, December 10, 1810, "the men within the fort marched out and stacked their arms and saluted the flag of West Florida as it was lowered for the last time, and then dispersed."[5]
    Skipwith later expressed his gratitude at the result of the intervention, but he criticized bitterly the method by which Madison and Claiborne had brought it about. He stated his belief that a surrender of the territory by "the constitutional authorities thereof as an independent state" was the only method that could give the United States "an unqualified and legal title" to its possession.[5] Claiborne himself reported that much of the resentment aroused among the people in West Florida by Madison's proclamation arose from the fact that it was not thought to be sufficiently respectful toward their constituted officials.[5]
    Congress passed a joint resolution, approved January 15, 1811, to provide for the temporary occupation of the disputed territory and declaring that the territory should remain subject to future negotiation.[16] On March 11, 1811, rebellious elements again raised the Lone Star flag of the West Florida Republic, forcing Governor Claiborne to dispatch troops to enforce his authority.[17] Spain did not agree to relinquish its title to any of the West Florida territory occupied by the United States until 1819.
    Artifacts[edit]

    The Constitution of the Republic of West Florida[18] was based largely on the United States Constitution, and divided the government into three branches: executive, judicial, and legislative. The legislature consisted of a Senate and House of Representatives. The Governor was chosen by the legislature. According to the constitution, the official name of the country was the "State of Florida".[18]
    Fulwar Skipwith, the first and only governor of the Republic of West Florida, was a cotton planter who lived just north of Baton Rouge. He was appointed by George Washington in 1795 to the staff of James Monroe, the U.S. ambassador to France, and was a consul general to France under President Thomas Jefferson. Shortly after moving to Baton Rouge in 1809, he became involved in the effort to free West Florida from Spanish domination. The former American diplomat had helped negotiate the Louisiana Purchase. In his inaugural address, Skipwith mentioned the possibility of annexation to the United States:
    ...wherever the voice of justice and humanity can be heard, our declaration, and our just rights will be respected. But the blood which flows in our veins, like the tributary streams which form and sustain the father of rivers, encircling our delightful country, will return if not impeded, to the heart of our parent country. The genius of Washington, the immortal founder of the liberties of America, stimulates that return, and would frown upon our cause, should we attempt to change its course.[14]:434
    The marching song of the West Floridian army included these lyrics in verse six:
    West Floriday, that lovely nation,Free from king and tyranny,Thru’ the world shall be respected,For her true love of Liberty.[7]:130United States annexation[edit]

    See also: West Florida Controversy and West Florida § American annexation of the territory

    A sketch map published in 1898 showing the territorial changes of "West Florida"[19]p 2

    The United States did not recognize the independence of the Republic of West Florida, and on October 27, 1810, President James Madison proclaimed that the United States should take possession of it, on the basis that it was part of the Louisiana Purchase.[20] In his proclamation, Madison invoked the portion of the Louisiana Purchase agreement that directly quoted the 1800 St. Ildefonso treaty[21] between France and Spain: Louisiana, Madison stated, had "the same extent that it had in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France originally possessed it." However, neither the 1800 treaty nor the 1803 purchase includes the word "originally"; instead, they state, "with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain and that it had when France possessed it."[21] Madison's tweak served his annexation rationale but had no basis in the treaty language.
    William C. C. Claiborne, the military governor of Orleans Territory, was sent to take possession of the territory. The West Florida government opposed annexation, preferring to negotiate terms to join the Union. Governor Skipwith proclaimed that he and his men would "surround the Flag-Staff and die in its defense."[5]:308
    Claiborne entered St. Francisville with his forces on December 6, 1810, and Baton Rouge on December 10, 1810. After Claiborne refused to recognize the West Florida government, Skipwith and the legislature eventually agreed to accept Madison's annexation proclamation. Congress passed a joint resolution, approved January 15, 1811, to provide for the temporary occupation of the disputed territory and declaring that the territory should remain subject to future negotiation.[16]
    According to the French negotiator of the Louisiana Purchase, François Barbé-Marbois, "The Louisianans themselves agreed that [the Baton Rouge district] had been considered to belong to Florida, but, nevertheless, the [state legislature] declared, by one of its first acts that this district of country was a portion of Louisiana. ... but this eagerness to strengthen doubtful pretensions by possession, does not accord with the spirit of justice that characterizes the other political acts of the United States."[22]
    The Mobile District, now coastal Mississippi and Alabama, remained under Spanish control until the War of 1812 with Britain, with whom Spain was allied. On May 14, 1812, the claimed portion of West Florida east of the Pearl River was assigned to Mississippi Territory, though at the time, the area around Mobile Bay remained under the control of Spanish Florida.[23][24] Following that Congressional declaration of annexation[25] and an act of February 12, 1813,[26] (3 Stat. L. 472) authorizing the President to occupy that area, U.S. General James Wilkinson sailed from New Orleans to Mobile in April 1813 with a force of 600, whereupon he received the surrender of the Spanish commander.
    Present-day Louisiana: the "Florida Parishes"[edit]

    In the state of Louisiana, the civil parishes (equivalent to counties elsewhere in the U.S.) that comprised the former Republic of West Florida are known today as the Florida Parishes. This is partly due to their short-lived independent state, but also in recognition of their heritage in a (British, then Spanish) colonial province extending eastward to modern Florida.[27]

    The Republic of West Florida Flag was a flag later used by the Confederacy .
    Yes , Danke was my sidekick .

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    Republic of the Rio Grande

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    Not to be confused with the contemporaneous Riograndense Republic in Brazil.
    Republic of the Rio Grande
    República del Río Grande
    Unrecognized state
    1840
    Flag Arms

    Capital Laredo
    Languages Spanish
    Government Republic
    President Jesús de Cárdenas
    History
    Siete Leyes January 17, 1840
    Camargo War November 6, 1840
    Area 300,000 km² (115,831 sq mi)
    Currency Peso
    The Republic of the Rio Grande (Spanish: República del Río Grande) was an independent nation that insurgents against the Central Mexican Government sought to establish in northern Mexico. The Republic of the Rio Grande was just one of a series of independence movements in Mexico under Santa Anna's government, including the Texan Revolution, the Republic of Zacatecas, and the Republic of Yucatán. The rebellion lasted from January 17 to November 6, 1840.
    Contents

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    Background[edit]

    After a decade of strife, Mexico won its independence from the Kingdom of Spain in 1821. After a failed attempt at a monarchy, Mexico adopted a new constitution, the 1824 Constitution. This new constitution established los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, or "the United Mexican States," as a federal republic. During the war for independence, many rebels were driven to Coahuila and Nuevo León, where this revolutionary mentality won the hearts and minds of the people.[1]
    In 1833, General Antonio López de Santa Anna was elected to his first term as president and was, at the time of his election, in support of the federal republic. However, after some members of government angered Santa Anna's political allies, Santa Anna decided to start a centralized government.[2] Santa Anna suspended the constitution, disbanded Congress and made himself the center of power in Mexico. States were converted into departments without political or fiscal autonomy by replacing elected governors with appointed ones and substituting state assemblies for juntas under Santa Anna's policies. Dismayed by these policies and the perception that the government was deaf to the complaints and plight of the villagers in the North, republic leaders aimed to expel the government-appointed centralist officials and restore the Constitution of 1824.[3] On November 3, 1838, one of the republic leaders, Antonio Canales, issued a pronunciamiento against the government and in favor of federalism.
    Resistance[edit]

    In January 1839, Antonio Canales summoned a convention at the office of the Justice of the Peace in Laredo where the Constitution of 1824 was unanimously approved. Canales immediately began building an army and scoured the countryside looking for recruits, among those recruits were Texan Colonels Reuben Ross and Samuel Jordan.[4] Intending to use the property of the church and convents to pay volunteers,[5] Canales amassed a small army of vaqueros along the Rio Grande River, Cane Indians, and Texans. On October 3, Canales and his army marched to the town of Mier, where they faced the Mexican army. During the battle, Colonels Reuben Ross and Samuel Jordan charged at the centralist forces and encircled them in a hacienda, where the Mexican army was forced to surrender. Three hundred and fifty centralist soldiers who were taken prisoner ultimately defected and enlisted in Canales’ army.[6] After the battle, Canales was seen as a hero throughout Northern Mexico and many towns began to support his cause. Within a few days, recruits, supplies, and cash were being sent to him.[4]
    Canales lingered in Mier for forty days before heading to Matamoros, a port town where another Centrist force was residing. In twenty-eight days, his one thousand man army reached the town only to find Mexican General Valentin Canalizo there with fifteen-hundred troops. Outmanned, Canales decided to withdraw and attack General Mariano Arista at Monterrey instead. Colonel Ross, appalled by this withdrawal, left Canales’ army, taking fifty Texans with him. At Monterrey, General Canales sends three hundred cavalry under the command of Colonel José Antonio Zapata to lure Arista out of town. While Arista left the town unguarded to engage with Zapata, General Canales’ army took a convent on the outskirts of town. However, on December 27, General Arista sent spies to Canales’ army and bribed seven hundred Mexicans to abandon their army. Upon discovering this the next morning, Canales and the remnants of his army fled the battle.[6]
    Rebellion[edit]

    A New Republic[edit]


    The Centralist Republic with the separatist movements generated by the dissolution of the Federal Republic. Territory proclaimed its independence
    Territory claimed by the Republic of Texas
    Territory claimed by the Republic of the Rio Grande
    Rebellions

    On January 17, 1840 a meeting was held at the Oreveña Ranch near Laredo.[7] A group of notables from the states of Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas advocated for a rebellion seeking secession from Mexico and formation of their own federal republic with Laredo as the capital. However, those states' own congresses and governments never took any action to support the insurgents, and requested the help of the Central government in Mexico City to aid the local state armies.[8]Despite the lack of support from the state governments, the Republic of the Rio Grande was formed. The new Republic had an official newspaper: “Correo del Rio Bravo del Norte” and their state motto was Dios, Libertad y Convención (God, Liberty, and Convention).[1]

    The Republic of Rio Grande was a brief attempt to create an independent nation inside northern Mexico. The insurgency lasted from January 17 to November 6, 1840.

    The insurgents designated their own officials for the new republic. They were:



    This building, the capitol of the Republic of the Rio Grande, is now the Republic of the Rio Grande Museum in Laredo. It showcases the history of the rebellion and the restoration of three rooms in a period hacienda.

    Battle of Santa Rita de Morelos (March 24–25, 1840)[edit]

    Main article: Battle of Santa Rita de Morelos
    Shortly after the formation of the Republic of the Rio Grande, word arrived that General Arista was in the Rio Grande valley. Texan Samuel Jordan urged Canales to retreat to Texas to recruit more Texans but Canales refused. Consequently, Samuel Jordan and sixty of his men left General Canales’ army. While Canales and the army decided to fight, President Cardenas and the new government fled to Victoria, Texas.[6]
    Canales and his army met Arista outside the town of Santa Rita de Morelos. Needing provisions, Antonio Zapata and thirty men rode into town where Arista’s men soon surrounded them. Outnumbered 1,800 to thirty, Zapata surrendered. General Arista offered to pardon Antonio Zapata under the condition that he swore allegiance to Mexico, but he refused. On March 29, 1840, Antonio Zapata was executed and his head placed on a spike in the town of Guerrero as a reminder to his wife, children, and federalists. While Zapata was being held prisoner, General Canales engaged Arista at San Fernando, losing two hundred fifty of his four hundred men in the process. After this defeat, Antonio Canales had no other option except to flee to Texas.[6]
    Texas’ Role in the Rebellion[edit]

    From the beginning, President Cardenas realized that the success of the Republic of the Rio Grande depended on Texan support.[4] Texas also had conflicting interests on whether to support the new Republic or not. On one hand, the formation of the Republic of the Rio Grande would create a buffer state between Mexico and Texas, postponing any possible intentions Mexico had for the reinvasion of Texas; on the other hand, Texas needed Mexico to recognize their independence and supporting the new Republic would certainly anger them. Texas’ official stance on the issue was neutral, but president Mirabeau Lamar secretly encouraged Texans to volunteer in Canales’ army and gave Canales access to Texan arms and ammunition.[9]
    Battle of Saltillo (October 25, 1840)[edit]

    Main article: Battle of Saltillo
    In Texas, Canales rebuilt his new army at San Patricio under Colonel Samuel Jordan. The new army consisted of three hundred Mexicans, eighty Cane Indians, and four hundred and ten Texans. With the new army, Canales marched out of Texas and was able to recapture the towns of Laredo, Guerrero, Mier, and Camargo.
    Soon after, Canales ordered three hundred and fifty men, under the command of Samuel Jordan and Canales’ brother-in-law Juan Molano, to steal horses for future operations. After Jordan and Molano sacked the city of Ciudad Victoria and installed a new state government, they marched to Saltillo where the Mexican General Montoya was residing. Unbeknownst to Jordan, Juan Molano had secretly switched sides and joined the centralist forces.
    On October 25, 1840, the Mexican army under Montoya faced the army of the Republic of the Rio Grande under the command of Colonel Lopez (who had secretly switched allegiance to General Montoya as well). Colonel Lopez ordered Jordan and his men to move into a mountain gorge. Upon realizing the trap, Jordan, his men, and the remaining loyal vaqueros to the Rio Grande Republic turned around and took refuge in a hacienda. The Mexican army attacked the hacienda in full force but was unable to capture the Texans before they retreated. The Mexican army lost four hundred men attacking the hacienda while the Texans only lost five.[6]
    Defeat[edit]

    After the defeat at Saltillo, General Canales secretly entered negotiations with General Arista and on November 6, 1840, Antonio Canales surrendered at Camargo. Canales soon accepted a position as officer in Santa Anna’s army. As part of conditions of surrender, no harm would come to the property or safety of former members of the republic. The Republic’s debts would be assumed as well.[1] A few days after Canales surrender, President Cardenas and other officials entered into Laredo to officially surrender.
    Flag of the republic[edit]


    The Flag of the Republic of the Rio Grande

    The flag of the Republic of the Rio Grande has a red hoist with three white stars run evenly along the hoist. The three stars represent the three states that seceded: Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas. The fly is split into a white upper fly and a black lower fly.
    Main article: Flag of the Republic of the Rio Grande
    The republic as a tourist attraction[edit]

    Remnants of the republic's effect can be seen in:




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    Republic of Yucatán

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    Republic of Yucatan
    República de Yucatán
    1841–1848
    Flag Seal

    Capital Mérida
    Languages Spanish (de facto)
    Maya
    Religion Roman Catholic
    Government Republic
    President
    1840 - 1841 Santiago Méndez
    1841 - 1842 Miguel Barbachano
    1842 - 1842 Santiago Méndez
    1842 - 1843 Miguel Barbachano
    1843 - 1844 Santiago Méndez
    1844 - 1844 Miguel Barbachano
    1844 - 1846 José Tiburcio
    1846 - 1847 Miguel Barbachano
    1847 - 1847 Domingo Barret
    History
    Independence March 16, 1841
    Disestablished July 14, 1848
    Area
    1841 139,426 km² (53,833 sq mi)
    Population
    1841 est. 504,600
    Density 3.6 /km² (9.4 /sq mi)
    Currency Mexican Peso ($)

    Separatist movements generated in response to the shift from a Federal Republic to a Centralist Republic. Territory that proclaimed independence
    Territory claimed by the separatist Republic of Texas
    Territory claimed by the separatist Republic of the Rio Grande
    Rebellions

    The Republic of Yucatán (Spanish: República de Yucatán) was a sovereign state during two periods of the nineteenth century. The first Republic of Yucatán, founded May 29, 1823, willingly joined the Mexican federation as the Federated Republic of Yucatán on December 23, 1823, less than seven months later.[1][2] The second Republic of Yucatán began in 1841, with its declaration of independence from the Mexican Federation. It remained independent for seven years, after which it rejoined the Mexican Federation. The area of the former republic includes the modern Mexican states of Yucatán, Campeche and Quintana Roo. The Republic of Yucatán usually refers to the Second Republic (1841–1848).
    The Republic of Yucatán was governed by the Constitution of 1841, one of the most advanced of its time. It guaranteed individual rights, religious freedom and what was then a new legal form called amparo (English: protection). The 1847 Caste War caused the Republic of Yucatán to request military aid from Mexico. This was given on the condition that the Republic rejoin the Mexican Federation.
    Contents

    [hide]



    Colonial era and independence from Spain[edit]


    Captaincy General of Yucatán

    Main article: Viceroyalty of New Spain
    In 1617, Yucatán was administered as a Captaincy General of New Spain. Its geographical position gave it some autonomy. During the Spanish Viceroyalty, the province and captaincy of Yucatán covered the current territories of Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, and Yucatán, plus, nominally, the northern territories of the Petén and the territory that is currently Belize. In 1786, the Spanish Crown implemented the system of Intendencias and the territory changed its name to Intendency of Yucatán, which included the same territories.[3]
    War of Mexican Independence[edit]

    In 1810, the priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla issued the Grito de Dolores (in effect a call for independence) in Dolores near Guanajuato. An army of insurgents began an eleven-year war of independence that culminated in a Mexican victory over the viceroy's armies. In 1821 the Mexicans offered the crown of the new Mexican Empire to Ferdinand VII or to a member of the Spanish royal family that he would designate. After the refusal of the Spanish monarchy to recognize the independence of Mexico, the ejército Trigarante (Army of the Three Guarantees), led by Agustín de Iturbide and Vicente Guerrero, cut all political and economic dependence on Spain.[citation needed] The Plan of Iguala established Roman Catholicism as Mexico's religion and equality for all social and ethnic groups in the new empire. These goals were summarized as "Religion, Independence and Unity" (Religión, Independencia y Unión).[4]
    Once the independence of Mexican Empire was declared, Agustín de Iturbide was designated President of the Regency; because of his great popularity and prestige, the Interim Board gave him full authority. Elections for the Constituent Congress took place in December 1821 and in January 1822.[5] There is no accurate record of how many deputies were elected, but it has been estimated at about 126, plus 52 given to Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Chiapas, former captaincies which also agreed to the Plan of Iguala.[6]
    José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi, called The Mexican Thinker, proposed the right of Agustín de Iturbide to be emperor. On May 19, 1822 Valentín Gómez Farías presented a proposal signed by a minority of 42 deputies to proclaim Iturbide as Emperor, citing his extraordinary services as El Libertador (The Liberator). The masses also supported the appointment. Lorenzo de Zavala, republican and liberal objected, claiming that the Iturbide's supporters included the old viceroyalty leadership: the clergy, the nobility, and the army (including such men as Antonio López de Santa Anna. Regardless, Iturbide's coronation took place on July 21, 1822 in the Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral, and he became emperor of Mexico as Agustin I.[7]
    Impact of Mexican independence[edit]

    Just as Yucatán's geographical remoteness from the center of New Spain, specifically from Mexico City, had limited the influence of the viceroy on Yucatecan governance, so did it limit the military effects of Mexico's war of independence. Among the enlightened Yucatecan, the war encouraged a liberated spirit. The Yucatecan intelligentsia met regularly to discuss the war for independence in central Mexico at the Church of San Juan, located in Mérida, Yucatán. From this church they received their name, the Sanjuanistas. After the promulgation of the Constitution of Cádiz in 1812, Sanjuanistas grew in number, including Vicente María Velázquez (Chaplain of the church of San Juan), Manuel Jiménez Solís, Lorenzo de Zavala and José Matías Quintana, father of Andrés Quintana Roo. In 1814 King Ferdinand VII abolished the Constitution of Cádiz, and those who gathered in the church of San Juan were persecuted. Some of them arrested and imprisoned, including Lorenzo de Zavala, José Francisco Bates, and José Matias Quintana.

    In 1820, Lorenzo de Zavala, a former Sanjuanista, formed the Patriotic Confederation. A schism developed within the Confederation that resulted in two opposing groups. One included the supporters of the Spanish government and the Constitution of Cádiz. The other, led by Zavala, sought complete independence from Spain. To eliminate the opposition, Mariano Carrillo Albornoz, then governor, forced Zavala and another former Sanjuanista, Manuel Garcia Sosa, to accept posts as deputies of the Cortes (legislative assembly of Spain) and sent them to Madrid; he ordered the other liberals imprisoned.[8]
    Federal pact with Mexico[edit]

    Echeverri, who succeeded Carrillo Albornoz in 1821, proclaimed the independence of the peninsula and sent two representatives to negotiate the incorporation of Yucatán into the Mexican Empire. This incorporation took place on November 2, 1821.[9]

    In December 1822 Antonio López de Santa Anna and General Guadalupe Victoria signed the Plan de Casa Mata, a pact through which they sought to abolish the monarchy and transform Mexico into a republic. Initially a supporter of Iturbide, Santa Anna had adopted the republican cause. Agustín I was forced to abdicate and left the country. In May 1823, following Iturbide's resignation, Victoria became the first president of Mexico and Santa Anna became governor of Yucatán. Yucatán joined as the Federated Republic of Yucatán on December 23, 1823.[10] Both were founding states of the United Mexican States.
    The Federal Constitution of the United Mexican States of 1824 fully satisfied the ideals of the Yucatecan. The Constitution of Yucatán of 1825 reflects the agreement in principles:
    Yucatán swears that recognizes and responds to the government of Mexico, only if it is liberal and representative; and with the condition that: The union of Yucatán is that of a Federated Republic, and not otherwise, and therefore entitled to form their particular Constitution and establish the laws that it deems necessary to its happiness.[11]
    In Mexico two policies that will competed for primacy in the Mexican government at that time. The Federalists argued for the balance of power among the three branches of state: executive, legislative, and judicial. The Centralists centered all authority on President of the Republic. Federalists ruled in Mexico from the birth of the Republic until 1835, and this corresponds with calm, peaceful relations between Mexico and the Yucatán. In 1835 the Centralists took power in Mexico and appointed the governor of Yucatán. As the Yucatán lost more and more off its autonomy, its people considered more seriously the possibility of their own independence and the formation of a second republic.[citation needed]
    Second Republic of Yucatán[edit]

    An important case set a precedent for the independence of the Yucatán and the formation of a new republic. As Mexico had won its independence from Spain, several provinces on the periphery of New Spain had been subsumed into the new Mexican empire and its successor state, the Republic of Mexico, or the United States of Mexico. One of its northernmost territories, Texas, had been populated mostly by settlers from the United States. Mexican centralization conflicted with the ideas of the Anglo-Texans, who decided to seek US volunteers for their own independence. With that support, Texas attained independence and emerged as a republic: curiously, the first vice-president of the Republic of Texas was Lorenzo de Zavala, a Mexican born in Yucatán and Minister of Finance in the government of the second Mexican president Vicente Guerrero.[12]
    Declaration of independence[edit]


    Map of México in 1847.

    The federal army of Yucatán, commanded by Captain Santiago Imán, took the city of Valladolid and on February 12, 1840 issued a report, which stated that federalism should be restored as a form of government to combat poverty in the country. The act required the reestablishment of the Mexican Constitution of 1824. Six days later, in the presence of troops of the garrison of Mérida (the Yucatán capital city) under the command of Anastasio Torrens, and many supporters, Captain Santiago Imán proclaimed the independence of the Yucatecan territory. On June 6, 1840, the city of Campeche surrendered to the Yucatecan Federalists after a military siege. The central government of Mexico declared war on the Yucatán.
    On March 16, 1841 at the first City Council meeting in Merida, a crowd led by Miguel Barbachano Terrazo (future governor of Yucatán) broke into the room calling for the independence of Yucatán. Some members of this group lowered the Mexican flag, without considering the consequences, raising in its place a flag called the Yucatecan. Officially a few days after the Mexican flag was removed from boats and buildings in favor of the Yucatecan flag.
    On October 1, 1841, the local Chamber of Deputies adopted the Act of Independence of the Yucatán Peninsula. The first article stated:
    The people of Yucatán, in the full exercise of its sovereignty is becoming free and independent republic of the Mexican nation....
    The Yucatán flag was hoisted first in Yucatec on March 16, 1841, in protest at Santa Anna’s centralization of Mexico. "The flag of Yucatán is divided into two fields: on the left, a field of green; and on the right, another divided in turn into three, red top and bottom, and white in the middle. The field of green features five stars standing for the five departments into which Yucatán was divided by a decree of November 30, 1840, namely: Mérida, Izamal, Valladolid, Campeche, and Tekax."[13] The colors of the flag of the Yucatán are identical to those of the Mexican flag, in contrast to the flag of the other republic to declare independence from Mexico, the Republic of Texas, which used the colors of the flag of the United States.[citation needed]
    Yucatecan Constitution of 1841[edit]


    The Republic was divided into 5 districts.

    The innovative 1841 Constitution of Yucatán was based on the Constitution of the State of Yucatán in 1825 but also contained a reform package drafted by the liberal lawyer Manuel Crescencio García Rejón. It was promulgated on March 31, 1841 and entered into force on May 16.
    Important rights included individual rights as the fundamental rights of all citizens of the state either at home or abroad; the declaration of freedom of religion, in article 79: "none to be molested for his religious views, and those who come to settle in the country, as their descendants, have secured him the public and private exercise of their respective religions."[citation needed] Article 69 established trial by a jury of peers. Article 73 abolished required civil or military service. Section I of Article 62 re-established the Amparo, the process of legal protection which is based on the idea of limiting the power of government authorities.[14]
    Santa Anna's coup and the Mexican rapprochement[edit]


    Andrés Quintana Roo

    In October 1841, with insurgents from Tacubaya, Antonio López de Santa Anna executed a coup, removing Anastasio Bustamante. Santa Anna radicalized the centralist position of his government. Santa Anna, the new president, commissioned Andrés Quintana Roo, a native of Merida, to establish a dialogue with the Yucatecan authorities and Yucatecan Congress in order to return to Mexico. Quintana Roo‘s commission worked and the treaties of 28 and 29 November 1841 were signed. In them, Yucatán retain their customs and tariff laws and the free entry of goods to ports of the Republic, among other benefits to Yucatán.[citation needed]
    In Mexico City, the treaties between Andrés Quintana Roo and Yucatán were ignored. The central governments required Yucatán join Mexico and fully accept the Plan of Tacubaya, Yucatán territory should be subject to all laws of Congress established by the Santa Anna. It also required that Yucatán break all relations with the Republic of Texas because Mexico was at war with the Texans. Attempts were made through several diplomatic channels to resolve the problems, but all failed.[citation needed]
    Armed invasion of the Peninsula[edit]


    Pacabtún farm. It is currently within the City of Merida and is privately owned.

    Failing in the attempt to subdue Yucatán with words, Santa Anna sent military forces to the peninsula to hunt for the federalists. In August 1842, a Mexican military squadron formed off the coast of the island Carmen (now Ciudad del Carmen, Campeche), including four warships and commanded by Captain Thomas Marin. Marin demanded that the Yucatán return to Mexico. A few days later his soldiers took the island without encountering armed resistance.
    Control of this island gave the Mexican military a strategic base between the Mexican mainland and the Yucatecan peninsula. Water travel provided the fastest route between Yucatán and Mexico. There were no land routes through the jungles, and the sharp curve of the peninsula meant that the shortest distance between Valladolid, and Mexico City was over water.[citation needed]
    Marin's small force was reinforced by Santa Anna’s army of four thousand men brought from Veracruz and moved to his next goal: Campeche, a city that was protected by thick walls, built during the colonial era, to defend the city from pirate attacks. The Mexican army took the city of Champoton, and after several failed attempts to take Campeche decided to go on the capital, Merida. The army landed at the port of Telchac Puerto and took one by one Telchac Pueblo, Motul and Tixkokob.[citation needed]
    The Mexican army arrived at the Pacabtún’s farm in Mérida, where it learned that Yucatán had already prepared the defense of Merida and had the reinforcement of eleven thousand Mayan indigenous soldiers. On April 24, 1843 Mexican General Peña y Barragán surrendered and agreed to withdraw his troops by sea to Tampico in the state of Tamaulipas.[citation needed]
    Rapprochement: temporary return to Mexico[edit]

    Despite the withdrawal, Santa Anna refused to recognize the independence of Yucatán and banned the entry of ships under flag of Yucatán to Mexican territory. He also prohibited the transit of Mexican ships to Yucatán. This overturned all Yucatecan trade with the mainland of Mexico, causing deep economic problems. Barbachano, knowing that Santa Anna was defeated in the military by Yucatán, decided to negotiate with the central government.[citation needed]
    Yucatán proposed several conditions to the central government. Santa Anna agreed to several conditions giving full autonomy to the Yucatán on December 5, 1843. Yucatán resumed trade with Mexico and the Republic retained its sovereignty.[citation needed] The situation was short-lived. The Mexican government on February 21, 1844 ruled that unique rights and autonomy awarded to Yucatán were unconstitutional. In late 1845, the Mexican Congress revoked the Conventions of December 1843 and the Assembly of Yucatán to declare its independence on January 1, 1846.[clarification needed][citation needed]
    Second period of separation[edit]

    Yucatán had additional conflicts, in addition to the one with Mexico. Political Yucatecans were divided between the partisans of Mérida, led by Miguel Barbachano, and the partisans of Campeche, led by Santiago Méndez. This rivalry was so pointed that by early 1847 Yucatán had a government in both camps. To this should also be added a third group, the indigenous Maya, who formed the bulk of the Yucatecan military and manual labor force.[citation needed]
    In 1846, the Mexican government returned to the 1824 Constitution, restoring Mexican federalism. The Mérida-Barbachano faction received the news enthusiastically and agreed to rejoin Mexico on November 2, 1846. On the other side, the Campeche-Méndez faction claimed that any reunion with Mexico would involve Yucatán in a war with the United States. In October 1846, the United States' fleet took Ciudad del Carmen, and blockaded the territory. On January 21, 1847, Santiago Méndez moved the Yucatán capital to Campeche which, within a few months, was also cut off by the United States' navy from trade with Texas, Mérida and Mexico. At the same time, the Mayans, who paid high taxes, provided most manual and unskilled labor and formed most of the rank and file of the military, took up arms against the whites and mestizos on July 30, 1847 at Tepich, spreading terror and causing considerable destruction and disruption of communications.[citation needed]

    A scene from the Caste War. Oil on canvas, anonymous, painted circa 1850.

    Between the US blockade and the Mayan uprising (called the Caste War), the Méndez government faced a critical problem of internal security and protection of trade. Méndez sent a delegation, led by Judge José Rovira, to Washington D.C. to argue that Yucatán's neutrality in Mexican American War should protect it from hostile blockade. They highlighted the Yucatán independence from Mexico based on the injustices committed by the Mexican central government and that their trade with the Gulf of Mexico was crucial. Rovira apparently considered suggesting the annexation of the Yucatán by the United States.[citation needed]
    The Méndez government succeeded in recovering part of Yucatán territory lost to the Maya: the cities Izamal, Tunkás, Ticul, Tekax and Yaxcabá as well as Calotmul and Valladolid, with the help of troops from Mexico. Marcelo Pat's death, the son of Jacinto, forced him to abandon the struggle.[clarification needed] Eventually, the Caste War overwhelmed Yucatán efforts at security and internal stability.
    In desperation, President Santiago Méndez offered Yucatecan sovereignty in exchange for military assistance to the governor of the island of Cuba, the admiral of Jamaica, the ministers of Spain and the United Kingdom, but none responded to his pleas. Finally, the Yucatecan delegation in Washington made a formal offer for the annexation of Yucatán to the United States, an argument that appealed to some of the radical expansionists and the Young America movement.[15] President James Knox Polk was pleased with the idea and the "Yucatán Bill" passed the U.S. House of Representatives, but was discarded by the Senate.[16][17] The war with Mexico had become more complicated than anticipated, and the US Congress did not want a second war with the indigenous of Yucatán.[citation needed]
    Final return to Mexico[edit]

    Méndez decided to return the government of Yucatán to Miguel Barbachano, who took office in April 1848. The first thing Barbachano did as governor was inform the government of Mexico, who resided in the city of Querétaro, the distressing situation of the war of castes and seek economic and military assistance.[citation needed]
    Mexican President José Joaquín Herrera, was welcomed to Barbachano, and July 14 of 1848 gave 150,000 pesos to Yucatán (of 3 million that the U.S. gave to Mexico as payment for territory acquired in the Mexican-American War) and sent arms and ammunition to Yucatán. The Mexican Government sent the following message to Barbachano:
    Mr. Governor, will be useless after exposure to me the wishes of the nation, the feelings of the representatives, and the conduct of the Government of Yucatán if I don’t extended for the purpose of convincing the intensity of interest in the fate of the excited state and the government decision to save. For all the current administration should not be remembered past misfortunes, but as a harsh lesson that we all have a duty to repair indicates both misfortune. The President sees no more than one in Yucatán and very interesting part of the Union, or its citizens more than our brothers handed over to the relentless fury of the wild.[clarification needed][citation needed]
    The rebellion of the indigenous Maya was put down in August 1848 and August 17 of that year, Barbachano ordered the resumption of a confederation of Mexico and the restoration of the 1825 Constitution of Yucatán.


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    Republic of Canada

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    This article is about the short-lived "Republic of Canada". For the article about those who wish to end the monarchy in Canada, see Republicanism in Canada.
    Republic of Canada
    Unrecognized state
    1837–1838

    Flag


    Republic of Canada in North America in 1837.


    Navy Island
    Capital Navy Island
    Languages English
    Government Republic
    President
    1837–1838 William Lyon Mackenzie
    Historical era Upper Canada Rebellion
    Republic declared 17 December 1837
    Republic collapses 4 December 1838
    Preceded by Succeeded by
    The Republic of Canada was a government proclaimed by William Lyon Mackenzie on December 5, 1837.[1] The self-proclaimed government was established on Navy Island[2] in the Niagara River in the latter days of the Upper Canada Rebellion.
    Contents

    [hide]



    History[edit]

    In the latter days of the Rebellions of 1837 in Upper Canada, after Mackenzie and 200 of his followers retreated from Toronto to Navy Island, he declared a separate republic. He established an independent currency, and supplied his camp using the American supply steamer Caroline.[3] He recruited followers by promising 300 acres (120 ha) of land to any man that supported his cause.[4] He later included in his promise $100 in silver to his supporters, payable on May 1, 1838.[5]
    On December 29, Royal Navy Commander Andrew Drew and seven boatloads of Canadian militiamen crossed the Niagara River to Fort Schlosser. They captured the Caroline used by William Lyon Mackenzie and his rebels on Navy Island. Drew's forces set the ship alight and sent it adrift towards Niagara Falls, resulting in the death of one American. It was falsely reported that dozens of Americans were killed as they were trapped on board, and U.S. soldiers retaliated by burning a British steamer while it was in U.S. waters, triggering what became known as the Caroline affair.
    On January 13, 1838, Mackenzie abandoned Navy Island under heavy fire from British troops. He and his force retreated to Buffalo, New York, where they were captured by the U.S. army and sentenced in the U.S. to 18 months imprisonment for violating neutrality laws between the United States and the British Empire, ending the prospect of a successful Canadian declaration of independence and what the British viewed as an inconsequential and unsupported colonial rebellion.
    Some of the supporters retreated to the Thousand Islands, and "caused Canadian authorities much anxiety" in mid-1838.[6] In the United States, Hunters' Lodges were established along the frontier border, some also operating in Upper Canada. The organization of these societies was headquartered in Cleveland, and its principal mission was to "emancipate the British Colonies from British Thraldom".[7] On 16 September 1838, a convention attended by 160 delegates of the organization was held in Cleveland,[8] during which it elected Abram D. Smith the first president of the Republic of Canada.[9] The organization also defined plans for a Republican Bank of Canada, which would use gold, silver, and its own currency as money, and pledged "the whole wealth, revenue, and resources" of Upper Canada as collateral for loans.[8]
    See also[edit]



    Last edited by Lamp; 01-28-2017 at 08:36 PM.

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    Republic of Lower Canada

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    Republic of Lower Canada
    République du Bas-Canada
    1838

    Flag



    Lower Canada is in Green
    Capital Montreal
    Languages French, English
    Government Republic
    President
    1838 Robert Nelson
    Legislature Representative Democracy
    Historical era Lower Canada Rebellions
    Declaration of Independence 22 February 1838
    Battle of Odelltown 9 November 1838
    Preceded by Succeeded by
    Today part of
    The Republic of Lower Canada was a break-away Republic proclaimed in the aftermath of the 1837 Rebellions. The defeat of the rebellion meant that the state could never be properly established.
    Contents

    [hide]



    History[edit]

    Origins[edit]

    A British colony since 1760, Canada was divided in two distinct entities in 1791: Lower Canada, mainly inhabited by the descendants of the colonists of New France, and Upper Canada, mainly inhabited by British colonists and American Loyalists who established themselves as refugees of the American Revolution. Each entity had its own elected assembly.
    The francophones, who were the majority in Lower Canada, wished to take into their own hands important decisions regarding the administration of the colony. However, a massive frustration emerged because the assembly was soon restricted to an aesthetical role[clarification needed]; the real legislative and executive power was concentrated in the hands of the Governor-General, chosen by London, who often misunderstood or belittled the interests of the people of Lower Canada, which were at times contradictory to those of the British colonial authorities.
    The unstable political situation, lack of individual ministerial responsibility of the colonial government; as well as the economic crisis and the recent independence of the United States and of Latin American states led the people of Lower Canada, in the autumn of 1837, to the Lower Canada Rebellions. The poorly armed, untrained and outnumbered Patriotes were quickly defeated by the British Army. The survivors sought refuge in the United States.
    Founding Fathers[edit]

    On 2 January 1838, Robert Nelson as well as a good number of refugees such as Louis-Joseph Papineau, O'Callaghan, Chartier, Rodier, Malhiot, Côté, Bouthillier, Davignon and Gagnon assembled at Middlebury in Vermont to plan a military invasion of Lower Canada. The Patriotes present voted in favour of the quick establishment of a Provisional Government and launched an attack from the safety of the United States. Some voted against this venture, such as Papineau, who judged it doomed from the start without the help of a military power such as the United States or France. This led to some disagreement between the two rebel leaders.
    Declaration of Independence and 1838 Invasions[edit]

    The first invasion of Lower Canada was attempted on the 28th of February 1838. The six to seven hundred rebels, led by the two doctors Coté and Nelson, left Vermont with the goal of crossing the border. They soon arrived at a camp situated approximately 1.5 kilometers from the border and Robert Nelson was given the rank of General of the Army and elected President of the Republic of Lower Canada. Nelson then read the Declaration of Independence of Lower Canada, which was very progressive for the time. Lower Canada was unilaterally declared an independent Republic and its people declared absolved of all allegiance to the British crown. The state laid down enjoyed provisions such as the Separation of Church and State, equal rights for all citizens, abolition of the feudal seigneurial system, abolition of the death penalty, liberty of the press and most notably the equality of the French and English languages including official bilingualism.
    Unfortunately for the rebels, they were quickly beaten back by the British army, and the American government, feeling the British pressure, decided to stay neutral, not permitting such an invasion to be mounted from their territory. Nelson and Coté were arrested at the border and charged for violations of neutrality, then released. They took this as a lesson in organization and secrecy, noting they could never hope to match the British army in open warfare with their small numbers and resources. This led to the creation of a guerrilla organization named the Frères chasseurs under the guise of a hunting club, with the goal of overthrowing the governments of Upper and Lower Canada and to establish sovereign, democratic republican institutions in their place. Its organization was hierarchical and was led by a "Great Eagle" (equivalent to a Major-General. He led "Eagles" who each represented a district of the province and led a company. The "Eagles" chose two men as "Beavers" (equivalent to a Captain) who in turn each had under their orders 5 "Snowshoes" (Corporals). Each of the "Snowshoes" led 9 men with the title of "Hunters". It was financed by supporters in Lower Canada and the United States. Wild rumours began to roam regarding the numerical strength of the rebels. John Colborne spoke of tens of thousands, others believed that each parish of Lower Canada had their recruiting office.
    An insurrection was planned for 3 November 1838. On that day the rebels assembled along the border, at Lacolle, Napierville and Chateaugay. Some impatient groups did not wait for Nelson's orders and began attacking piecemeal. At Beauharnois a group occupied a seiugneurie and another seized a steamship to convert it into a warship. The initial plan was to seize Beauharnois, Chateaugay, la Prairie, St-Jean, Chambly, Boucherville and Sorel. Nelson, commanding 800 men, was to go up the Richelieu valley to capture St-Jean and advance to Montreal. Montreal, Trois-Rivières and Quebec City would be successively attacked, drawing upon increasing amounts of manpower and weapons as the population would join them.
    Nothing went according to plan. In Montreal, authorities quickly responded and arrested many local leaders. Other Patriotes, seeing that the promised weapons failed to arrive, marched to the Native reservation of Kahnawake to seize the Natives' arsenal. They failed and many were made prisoner to be delivered to the British. An American ship which was to deliver weapons was intercepted by a group of Loyalist volunteers. Other weapons which had been hidden at Rouse's Point in the United States were seized by American authorities. Apprehending that the operation was failing, he led his men onwards to Odelltown. In Lacolle, a rumour said that Nelson had tried to run away during the night only to be caught by his men, the doctor convincing them that he was merely inspecting the troops.
    On 10 November, they attacked Odelltown. The colonial militia was quickly reinforced and the rebels had to pull back. Defeated, they retreated to the United States. Nelson himself had fled before the battle was over.
    Epilogue[edit]

    Main article: Rebellions of 1837 § Aftermath
    Later that year, Nelson met many leaders of the Patriot movement in Swanton, Vermont, and began to plan border skirmishes to draw the United States into a conflict with the British Empire. However, the 1842 Webster-Ashburton Treaty destroyed the last hopes of getting American assistance to liberate the French Canadians from British colonialism. Ruined, destitute, and his reputation broken, he refused to return to Lower Canada despite an amnesty and stayed in the United States, forsaking politics until his death in 1873 in Staten Island.
    Legacy[edit]

    Lower Canada experienced during and after the rebellions great hardships and oppression and exploitation that would last until the Quiet Revolution, including a systematic program of assimilation; the mandatory use of English in all public matters and business; as well as an economic recession. The Rebellions lead to many more conflicts most notably the 1845 Rebellion Losses Bill which caused enraged Orangist and Tory Anglophones to Burn the Building of Parliament in Montreal, which lead to the construction of Ottawa. Large number of people were drawn to the promise of a better life in the United States to form the large majority of the French American community, concentrated mostly in the industrial north.
    The 1837 and 1838 Rebellions received increased interest following the rise of the Quebec independence movement and many of their symbols are used today to represent Québécois nationalism. The 1838 attempt at separation is often overshadowed by the much more violent, general insurrection that occurred a year earlier. It is then very little known to both French and English that Anglophones contributed to the national liberation struggle, a fact that is in stark contrast with the modern era of linguistic polarization


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    Confederate States of America

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    This article is about the historical state. For the 2004 mockumentary, see C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America.
    Confederate States of America
    Unrecognized state[1]
    1861–1865
    Motto
    Deo vindice (Latin)
    "Under God, our Vindicator"
    Anthem




    The Confederate States in 1862. Light green denotes claims made by the Confederacy. Medium green denotes western counties of Virginia that separated from that State and were admitted to the Union as West Virginia. Teal denotes the still contested Indian Territory.
    Capital
    Languages English (de facto)
    Government Federal/Confederalpresidential non-partisanrepublic
    President
    1861–65 Jefferson Davis
    Vice President
    1861–65 Alexander Stephens
    Legislature Congress
    Upper house Senate
    Lower house House of Representatives
    Historical era
    Provisional constitution February 8, 1861
    Permanent constitution February 22, 1862
    Battle of Fort Sumter April 12, 1861
    Siege of Vicksburg May 18, 1863
    Military collapse April 9, 1865
    Dissolution May 5, 1865
    Area
    18601 1,995,392 km² (770,425 sq mi)
    Population
    18601 est. 9,103,332
    Density 4.6 /km² (11.8 /sq mi)
    Slaves2 est. 3,521,110
    Currency

    The Confederate States, officially the Confederate States of America (CSA or C.S.), commonly referred to as the Confederacy, was an unrecognized breakaway country of 11 secessionist slave states existing from 1861 to 1865. It was originally formed by seven slave statesSouth Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas – in the Lower South region of the United States whose regional economy was mostly dependent upon agriculture, particularly cotton, and a plantation system that relied upon the labor of African-American slaves.[2]
    Each state declared its secession from the United States following the November 1860 election of Republican candidate Abraham Lincoln to the U.S. presidency on a platform which opposed the expansion of slavery. A new Confederate government was proclaimed in February 1861 before Lincoln took office in March, but was considered illegal by the government of the United States. After the Civil War began in April, four slave states of the Upper SouthVirginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina – also declared their secession and joined the Confederacy. The Confederacy later accepted Missouri and Kentucky as members, although neither officially declared secession nor were they ever largely controlled by Confederate forces; Confederate shadow governments attempted to control the two states but were later exiled from them.
    The government of the United States (the Union) rejected the claims of secession and considered the Confederacy illegitimate. The Civil War began with the April 12, 1861, Confederate attack upon Fort Sumter, a Union fort in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina. In spring 1865, after heavy fighting which led to over half a million deaths, largely on Confederate territory, all the Confederate forces surrendered and the Confederacy dissolved. No foreign government officially recognized the Confederacy as an independent country,[1][3][4] although the U.K. and France granted it belligerent status. While the war lacked a formal end, nearly all Confederate forces had surrendered or disbanded by the end of 1865. Jefferson Davis later lamented that the Confederacy had "disappeared" in 1865.[5]


    Span of control[edit]

    On March 11, 1861, the Confederate Constitution of seven state signatories – South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas – replaced the February 7 Provisional Confederate States Constitution with one stating in its preamble a desire for a "permanent federal government". Four additional slave-holding states – Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina – declared their secession and joined the Confederacy following a call by U.S. President Abraham Lincoln for troops from each state to recapture Sumter and other seized federal properties in the South. Missouri and Kentucky were represented by partisan factions from those states, while the legitimate governments of those two states retained formal adherence to the Union. Also aligned with the Confederacy were two of the "Five Civilized Tribes" located in Indian Territory and a new, but uncontrolled, Confederate Territory of Arizona. Efforts by certain factions in Maryland to secede were halted by federal imposition of martial law, while Delaware, though of divided loyalty, did not attempt it. A Unionist government in western parts of Virginia organized the new state of West Virginia, which was admitted to the Union during the war on June 20, 1863.
    Confederate control over its claimed territory and population in congressional districts steadily shrank from 73% to 34% during the course of the Civil War due to the Union's successful overland campaigns, its control of the inland waterways into the South, and its blockade of the southern coast.[6] With the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, the Union made abolition of slavery a war goal (in addition to reunion). As Union forces moved southward, large numbers of plantation slaves were freed. Many joined the Union lines, enrolling in service as soldiers, teamsters and laborers. The most notable advance was Sherman's "March to the Sea" in late 1864. Much of the Confederacy's infrastructure was destroyed, including telegraphs, railroads and bridges. Plantations in the path of Sherman's forces were severely damaged. Internal movement became increasingly difficult for Southerners, weakening the economy and limiting army mobility.
    These losses created an insurmountable disadvantage in men, materiel, and finance. Public support for Confederate President Jefferson Davis's administration eroded over time due to repeated military reverses, economic hardships, and allegations of autocratic government. After four years of campaigning, Richmond was captured by Union forces in April 1865. Shortly afterward, Confederate General Robert E. Lee surrendered to Union General Ulysses S. Grant, effectively signalling the collapse of the Confederacy. President Davis was captured on May 10, 1865, and jailed in preparation for a treason trial that was ultimately never held.[7]
    Post-war history[edit]

    The U.S. government began a decade-long process known as Reconstruction which attempted to resolve the political and constitutional issues of the Civil War. The priorities were: to guarantee that Confederate nationalism and slavery were ended, to ratify and enforce the Thirteenth Amendment which outlawed slavery; the Fourteenth which guaranteed dual U.S. and state citizenship to all native-born residents, regardless of race; and the Fifteenth, which guaranteed the right of freedmen to vote.
    By 1877, the Compromise of 1877 ended Reconstruction in the former Confederate states. Federal troops were withdrawn from the South, where conservative white Southern Democrats had already regained political control of state governments, often through extreme violence and fraud to suppress black voting. Confederate veterans had been temporarily disenfranchised by Reconstruction policy. The prewar South had many rich areas; the war left the entire region economically devastated by military action, ruined infrastructure, and exhausted resources. Continuing to be dependent on an agricultural economy and resisting investment in infrastructure, the region remained dominated by the planter elite into the 20th century. After a brief period in which a Republican-Populist coalition took power in several southern states in the late 19th century, the Democratic-dominated legislatures worked to secure their control by passing new constitutions and amendments at the turn of the 20th century that disenfranchised most blacks and many poor whites. This exclusion of blacks from the political system, and great weakening of the Republican Party, was generally maintained until after passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The Solid South of the early 20th century was built on white Democratic control of politics. The region did not achieve national levels of prosperity until long after World War II.[8]
    History[edit]


    Evolution of the Confederate States, December 20, 1860 – July 15, 1870

    The Confederacy was established in the Montgomery Convention in February 1861 (before Lincoln's inauguration in March) and was disintegrated in April and May 1865. It was formed by delegations from seven Southern slave states that had proclaimed their secession from the Union. After the fighting began in April, four additional slave states seceded and were admitted. Later, two states (Missouri and Kentucky) and two territories were given seats in the Confederate Congress.
    Many southern whites had considered themselves more Southern than American and would fight for their state and their region to be independent of the larger nation. That regionalism became a Southern nationalism, or the "Cause". For the duration of its existence, the Confederacy underwent trial by war.[9] The "Southern Cause" transcended the ideology of states' rights, tariff policy, or internal improvements. This "Cause" supported, or descended from, cultural and financial dependence on the South's slavery-based economy. The convergence of race and slavery, politics, and economics raised almost all South-related policy questions to the status of moral questions over way of life, commingling love of things Southern and hatred of things Yankee (the North). Not only did national political parties split, but national churches and interstate families as well divided along sectional lines as the war approached.[10] According to historian John M. Coski, "The statesmen who led the secession movement were unashamed to explicitly cite the defense of slavery as their prime motive... Acknowledging the centrality of slavery to the Confederacy is essential for understanding the Confederate."[11]
    Southern Democrats chose John Breckinridge as their candidate during the presidential election of 1860, but in no Southern state (other than South Carolina, where the legislature chose the electors) was support for him unanimous; all of the other states recorded at least some popular votes for one or more of the other three candidates (Lincoln, Douglas and Bell). Support for these candidates, collectively, ranged from significant to an outright majority, with extremes running from 25% in Texas to 81% in Missouri.[12]There were minority views everywhere, especially in the upland and plateau areas of the South, with western Virginia and eastern Tennessee of particular concentration.[13]
    Following South Carolina's unanimous 1860 secession vote, no other Southern states considered the question until 1861, and when they did none had a unanimous vote. All had residents who cast significant numbers of Unionist votes in either the legislature, conventions, popular referendums, or in all three. However, voting to remain in the Union did not mean that individuals were northern sympathizers. Once hostilities began, many of these who voted to remain in the Union, particularly in the Deep South, accepted the majority decision, and supported the Confederacy.[14]
    The American Civil War became an American tragedy, what some scholars termed the "Brothers' War", pitting "brother against brother, father against son, kith against kin of every degree".[15][16]
    A revolution in disunion[edit]

    Main article: Origins of the American Civil War
    See also: Timeline of events leading to the American Civil War
    According to historian Avery O. Craven in 1950, the Confederate States of America was created by secessionists in Southern slave states who believed that the federal government was making them second-class citizens and refused to honor their belief that slavery was beneficial to the Negro.[17] They judged the agent of change to be abolitionists and anti-slavery elements in the Republican Party, whom they believed used repeated insult and injury to subject them to intolerable "humiliation and degradation".[17]The "Black Republicans" (as the Southerners called them) and their allies soon dominated the U.S. House, Senate, and Presidency. On the U.S. Supreme Court, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney (a presumed supporter of slavery) was 83 years old, and ailing.
    During the campaign for president in 1860, some secessionists threatened disunion should Lincoln (who opposed the expansion of slavery into the territories) be elected, most notably William L. Yancey. Yancey toured the North calling for secession as Stephen A. Douglas toured the South calling for union in the event of Lincoln's election.[18] To the Secessionists the Republican intent was clear: to contain slavery within its present bounds, and, eventually, to eliminate it entirely. A Lincoln victory presented them with a momentous choice (as they saw it), even before his inauguration – "the Union without slavery, or slavery without the Union".[19]

    States[edit]

    Initially, some secessionists may have hoped for a peaceful departure.[54] Moderates in the Confederate Constitutional Convention included a provision against importation of slaves from Africa to appeal to the Upper South. Non-slave states might join, but the radicals secured a two-thirds hurdle for them.[55]
    Seven states declared their secession from the United States before Lincoln took office on March 4, 1861. After the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter April 12, 1861, and Lincoln's subsequent call for troops on April 15, four more states declared their secession:[56]

    10-cent U.S. 1861


    20-cent C.S. 1863


    Both sides honored George Washington as a Founding Father (and used the same Gilbert Stuart portrait)

    Kentucky declared neutrality but after Confederate troops moved in, the state government asked for Union troops to drive them out. The splinter Confederate state government relocated to accompany western Confederate armies and never controlled the state population. By the end of the war, 90,000 Kentuckians had fought on the side of the Union, compared to 35,000 for the Confederate States.[57]
    In Missouri, a constitutional convention was approved and delegates elected by voters. The convention rejected secession 89–1 on March 19, 1861.[58] However, the governor maneuvered to take control of the St. Louis Arsenal and restrict Federal movements. This led to confrontation and in June Federal forces drove him and the General Assembly from Jefferson City. The executive committee of the constitutional convention called the members together in July. The convention declared the state offices vacant, and appointed a Unionist interim state government.[59] The exiled governor called a rump session of the former General Assembly together in Neosho and, on October 31, 1861, passed an ordinance of secession.[60][61] It is still a matter of debate as to whether a quorum existed for this vote. The Confederate state government was unable to control very much Missouri territory. It had its capital first at Neosho, then at Cassville, before being driven out of the state. For the remainder of the war, it operated as a government in exile at Marshall, Texas.
    Neither Kentucky nor Missouri was declared in rebellion in Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. The Confederacy recognized the pro-Confederate claimants in both Kentucky and Missouri and laid claim to those states, granting them Congressional representation and adding two stars to the Confederate flag. Voting for the representatives was mostly done by Confederate soldiers from Kentucky and Missouri.

    In Virginia the populous counties along the Ohio and Pennsylvania borders rejected the Confederacy. Unionists held a Convention in Wheeling in June 1861, establishing a "restored government" with a rump legislature, but sentiment in the region remained deeply divided. In the 50 counties that would make up the state of West Virginia, voters from 24 counties had voted for disunion in Virginia's May 23 referendum on the ordinance of secession.[74] In the 1860 Presidential election "Constitutional Democrat" Breckenridge had outpolled "Constitutional Unionist" Bell in the 50 counties by 1,900 votes, 44% to 42%.[75] Regardless of scholarly disputes over election procedures and results county by county, altogether they simultaneously supplied over 20,000 soldiers to each side of the conflict.[76][77] Representatives for most of the counties were seated in both state legislatures at Wheeling and at Richmond for the duration of the war.[78]
    Attempts to secede from the Confederacy by some counties in East Tennessee were checked by martial law.[79] Although slave-holding Delaware and Maryland did not secede, citizens from those states exhibited divided loyalties. Regiments of Marylanders fought in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia.[80] But overall, 24,000 men from Maryland joined the Confederate armed forces, compared to 63,000 who joined Union forces.[57]
    Delaware never produced a full regiment for the Confederacy, but neither did it emancipate slaves as did Missouri and West Virginia. District of Columbia citizens made no attempts to secede and through the war years, referendums sponsored by President Lincoln approved systems of compensated emancipation and slave confiscation from "disloyal citizens".[81]
    Territories[edit]


    Elias Boudinot secessionist, Rep. Indian Territory, Cherokee

    Main articles: Confederate Arizona, New Mexico Territory in the American Civil War, and Indian Territory in the American Civil War
    Citizens at Mesilla and Tucson in the southern part of New Mexico Territory formed a secession convention, which voted to join the Confederacy on March 16, 1861, and appointed Lewis Owings as the new territorial governor. They won the Battle of Mesilla and established a territorial government with Mesilla serving as its capital.[82] The Confederacy proclaimed the Confederate Arizona Territory on February 14, 1862, north to the 34th parallel. Marcus H. MacWillie served in both Confederate Congresses as Arizona's delegate. In 1862 the Confederate New Mexico Campaign to take the northern half of the U.S. territory failed and the Confederate territorial government in exile relocated to San Antonio, Texas.[83]
    Confederate supporters in the trans-Mississippi west also claimed portions of United States Indian Territory after the United States evacuated the federal forts and installations. Over half of the American Indian troops participating in the Civil War from the Indian Territory supported the Confederacy; troops and one general were enlisted from each tribe. On July 12, 1861, the Confederate government signed a treaty with both the Choctaw and Chickasaw Indian nations. After several battles Northern armies moved back into the territory.
    Indian Territory was never formally ceded into the Confederacy by American Indian councils, but like Missouri and Kentucky, the Five Civilized Nations received representation in the Confederate Congress and their citizens were integrated into regular Confederate Army units. After 1863 the tribal governments sent representatives to the Confederate Congress: Elias Cornelius Boudinot representing the Cherokee and Samuel Benton Callahan representing the Seminole and Creek people. The Cherokee Nation, aligning with the Confederacy, alleged northern violations of the Constitution, waging war against slavery commercial and political interests, abolishing slavery in the Indian Territory, and that the North intended to seize additional Indian lands.[84]


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    Gondor
    It was too weird to live, and too rare to die - hunter s. thompson .
    ..this is the darkest timeline..

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    Dominion of Newfoundland

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    Newfoundland[1]
    Dominion
    1907–19491
    Motto
    Quaerite Prime Regnum Dei (Latin)
    "Seek ye first the kingdom of God"
    Anthem
    Ode to Newfoundland

    Capital St. John's
    Languages
    Government Constitutional monarchy
    King
    1907-1910 Edward VII (first)
    1936-1949 George VI (last)
    Governor
    1907-1909 William MacGregor (first)
    1946-1949 Gordon Macdonald (last)
    Prime Minister
    1907-1910 Robert Bond (first)
    1932-1934 Frederick C. Alderdice (last)
    Legislature House of Assembly
    Historical era World War I
    Interwar period
    World War II
    Semi-independent Dominion 26 September 1907
    Fully sovereign Dominion
    (Statute of Westminster 1931)
    11 December 1931
    British Dominion-dependency
    (Commission of Government)
    16 February 1934
    Province of Canada
    (Newfoundland Act)
    31 March 1949
    Currency Newfoundland dollar
    Newfoundland was a British dominion from 1907 to 1949. The dominion was situated in northeastern North America along the Atlantic coast and comprised the island of Newfoundland and Labrador on the continental mainland. Before attaining dominion status, Newfoundland was a British colony, self-governing from 1855.
    Newfoundland was one of the original "dominions" within the meaning of the Statute of Westminster of 1931 and accordingly enjoyed a constitutional status equivalent to the other dominions at the time. In 1934, Newfoundland became the only dominion to give up its self-governing status, ending 79 years of self-government.[2]
    This episode was precipitated by a crisis in Newfoundland's public finances in 1932. Newfoundland had accumulated a significant amount of debt by building a railroad across the island and raising its own regiment for the First World War.[2] In November of that year, the government warned that Newfoundland would default on payments on the public debt.[2] The United Kingdom government quickly established the Newfoundland Royal Commission to inquire and report on the position.[2] The Commission's report was published in October 1933. It recommended that Newfoundland give up its system of self-government temporarily, and allow the United Kingdom to administer the dominion through an appointed commission.[2]
    The Newfoundland parliament accepted this recommendation and presented a petition to the King asking for the suspension of the constitution and the appointment of commissioners to administer the government until the country became self-supporting again.[3] To enable compliance with this request, the United Kingdom Parliament passed the Newfoundland Act 1933, and on 16 February 1934, the UK government appointed six commissioners, three from Newfoundland and three from the UK, with the Governor as chairman.[3] The dominion was never to be self-governing again. The system of a six-member Commission of Government continued to govern Newfoundland until it joined Canada in 1949 to become Canada's tenth province.[4]
    Contents

    [hide]



    Name and flags[edit]

    The official name of the dominion was “Newfoundland” and not, as is sometimes reported, “Dominion of Newfoundland”. The distinction is apparent in many statutes, most notably the Statute of Westminster which listed the full name of each of the dominions to which that statute applied referring to New Zealand as the “Dominion of New Zealand” and to Canada as the “Dominion of Canada”, but referring only to "Newfoundland".[5]

    Political origins
    [edit]The Union Flag was adopted by the legislature as the official national flag of Newfoundland on 15 May 1931, before which time the Newfoundland Red Ensign, as civil ensign of Newfoundland, was used as the national flag (though not adopted by the legislature).[6]

    In 1854 the British government established Newfoundland's responsible government.[7] In 1855, Philip Francis Little, a native of Prince Edward Island, won a parliamentary majority over Sir Hugh Hoyles and the Conservatives. Little formed the first administration from 1855 to 1858. Newfoundland rejected confederation with Canada in the 1869 general election. Prime Minister of Canada Sir John Thompson came very close to negotiating Newfoundland's entry into confederation in 1892.
    It remained a colony until acquiring dominion status in 1907 after the 1907 Imperial Conference decided to confer dominion status on all self-governing colonies.[8] A Royal Proclamation was issued granting Newfoundland and New Zealand dominion status effective 26 September 1907 with the title of the head of government being changed from premier to prime minister.[citation needed]The annual holiday of Dominion Day was celebrated each 26 September to commemorate the occasion.
    First World War and afterwards[edit]


    In the 1920s, political scandals wracked the dominion. In 1923, the attorney general arrested Newfoundland's prime minister Sir Richard Squires on charges of corruption. Despite his release soon after on bail, the British-led Hollis Walker commission reviewed the scandal. Soon after, the Squires government fell. Squires returned to power in 1928 because of the unpopularity of his successors, the pro-business Walter Stanley Monroe and (briefly) Frederick C. Alderdice (Monroe's cousin), but found himself governing a country suffering from the Great Depression.
    After the war, Newfoundland along with the other dominions sent a separate delegation to the Paris Peace Conference but, unlike the other dominions, Newfoundland did not sign the Treaty of Versailles in her own right, nor did she seek a separate membership in the League of Nations.Newfoundland's own regiment, the 1st Newfoundland Regiment, fought in the First World War. On 1 July 1916, the German Army wiped out most of that regiment at Beaumont Hamel on the first day on the Somme, inflicting 90 percent casualties. Yet the regiment went on to serve with distinction in several subsequent battles, earning the prefix "Royal". Despite people's pride in the accomplishments of the regiment, Newfoundland's war debt and pension responsibility for the regiment and the cost of maintaining a trans-island railway led to increased and ultimately unsustainable government debt in the post-war era.

    The Judicial Committee of the Imperial Privy Council resolved Newfoundland's long-standing Labrador boundary dispute with Canada to the satisfaction of Newfoundland and against Canada (and, in particular, contrary to the wishes of Quebec, the province that bordered Labrador) with a ruling on 1 April 1927. Prior to 1867, the Quebec North Shore portion of the "Labrador coast" had shuttled back and forth between the colonies of Lower Canada and Newfoundland. Maps up to 1927 showed the coastal region as part of Newfoundland, with an undefined boundary. The Privy Council ruling established a boundary along the drainage divide separating waters that flowed through the territory to the Labrador coast, although following two straight lines from the Romaine River along the 52nd parallel, then south near 57 degrees west longitude to the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. Quebec has long rejected the outcome, and Quebec's provincially issued maps do not mark the boundary in the same way as boundaries with Ontario and New Brunswick.
    End of responsible government[edit]


    In 1934, the Dominion suspended Newfoundland's self-governing status and the Commission of Government took control. Newfoundland remained a dominion in name only.[9]Newfoundland was ruled by a governor who reported to the colonial secretary in London. The legislature was suspended.[10]As a small country which relied primarily upon the export of fish, paper, and minerals, Newfoundland was hit very hard by the Great Depression. Economic frustration combined with anger over government corruption led to a general dissatisfaction with democratic government. On 5 April 1932, a crowd of 10,000 people marched on the Colonial Building (seat of the House of Assembly) and forced Prime Minister Squires to flee. Squires lost an election held later in 1932. The next government, led once more by Alderdice, called upon the British government to take direct control until Newfoundland could become self-sustaining. The United Kingdom, concerned over Newfoundland's likelihood of defaulting on its war-debt payments, established the Newfoundland Royal Commission, headed by a Scottish peer, William Mackenzie, 1st Baron Amulree. Its report, released in 1933, assessed Newfoundland's political culture as intrinsically corrupt and its economic prospects as bleak, and advocated the abolition of responsible government and its replacement by a Commission of the British Government. Acting on the report's recommendations, Alderdice's government voted itself out of existence in December 1933.[2]

    The severe worldwide Great Depression persisted until the Second World War broke out in 1939.
    Second World War[edit]

    Further information: Military history of the British Commonwealth in the Second World War and World War II by country § Newfoundland
    Given Newfoundland's strategic location in the Battle of the Atlantic, the Allies (especially the United States of America) built many military bases there. Large numbers of unskilled men gained the first paycheques they had seen in years by working on construction and in dockside crews. National income doubled as an economic boom took place in the Avalon Peninsula and to a lesser degree in Gander, Botwood, and Stephenville. The United States became the main supplier, and American money and influence diffused rapidly from the military, naval, and air bases. Prosperity returned to the fishing industry by 1943. Government revenues, aided by inflation and new income, quadrupled, even though Newfoundland had tax rates much lower than those in Canada, Britain, or the United States. To the astonishment of all, Newfoundland started financing loans to London. Wartime prosperity ended the long depression and reopened the question of political status.
    The American Bases Act became law in Newfoundland on 11 June 1941, with American personnel creating drastic social change on the island. This included significant intermarriage between Newfoundland women and American personnel.[11][12]
    A new political party formed in Newfoundland to support closer ties with the U.S., the Economic Union Party, which Earle characterises as "a short-lived but lively movement for economic union with the United States". Advocates of union with Canada denounced the Economic Union Party as republican, disloyal and anti-British, no American initiative for union was ever created.[11]
    National Convention and referenda[edit]

    Main article: Newfoundland referendums, 1948
    As soon as prosperity returned during the war, agitation began to end the Commission.[13] Newfoundland, with a population of 313,000 (plus 5,200 in Labrador), seemed too small to be independent.[14] Joey Smallwood was a well-known radio personality, writer, organizer, and nationalist who long had criticized British rule. In 1945 London announced that a Newfoundland National Convention would be elected to advise on what constitutional choices should be voted on by referendum. Union with the United States was a possibility, but Britain rejected the option and offered instead two options, return to dominion status or continuation of the unpopular Commission.[15] Canada cooperated with Britain to ensure that the option of closer ties with America was not on the referendum.
    In 1946, an election took place to determine the membership of the Newfoundland National Convention, charged with deciding the future of Newfoundland. The Convention voted to hold a referendum to decide between continuing the Commission of Government or restoring responsible government. Smallwood, the leader of the confederates, moved for the inclusion of a third option — that of confederation with Canada. The Convention defeated his motion, but he did not give up, instead gathering more than 5,000 petition signatures within a fortnight, which he sent to London through the governor. Britain insisted that it would not give Newfoundland any further financial assistance, but added this third option of having Newfoundland join Canada to the ballot. After much debate, the first referendum took place on 3 June 1948, to decide between continuing with the Commission of Government, reverting to dominion status, or joining the Canadian Confederation.
    Three parties participated in the referendum campaign: Smallwood's Confederate Association campaigned for the confederation option while in the anti-confederation campaign Peter Cashin's Responsible Government League and Chesley Crosbie's Economic Union Party (both of which called for a vote for responsible government) took part. No party advocated petitioning Britain to continue the Commission of Government. Canada had issued an invitation to join it on generous financial terms. Smallwood was the leading proponent of confederation with Canada, insisting, "Today we are more disposed to feel that our very manhood, our very creation by God, entitles us to standards of life no lower than our brothers on the mainland."[16] Displaying courage and persistence, he succeeded in having the Canada option on the referendum.[17] His main opponents were Cashin and Crosbie. Cashin, a former finance minister, led the Responsible Government League, warning against cheap Canadian imports and the high Canadian income tax. Crosbie, a leader of the fishing industry, led the Party for Economic Union with the United States, seeking responsible government first, to be followed by closer ties with the United States, which could be a major source of capital.[18]

    The anthem of the Dominion of Newfoundland was the "
    Ode to Newfoundland", written by British colonial governor Sir Charles Cavendish Boyle in 1902 during his administration of Newfoundland (1901 to 1904). It was adopted as the dominion's anthem on 20 May 1904, until confederation with Canada in 1949. In 1980, the province of Newfoundland re-adopted the song as a provincial anthem, making Newfoundland and Labrador the only province in Canada to adopt a provincial anthem. The "Ode to Newfoundland" continues to be heard at public events in the province; however, only the first and last verses are traditionally sung.
    National anthem
    [edit]The result proved inconclusive, with 44.5 percent supporting the restoration of dominion status, 41.1 percent for confederation with Canada, and 14.3 percent for continuing the Commission of Government. Between the first and second referenda, rumour had it that Catholic bishops were using their religious influence to alter the outcome of the votes. The Orange Order, incensed, called on all its members to vote for confederation, as the Catholics voted for responsible government. The Protestants of Newfoundland outnumbered the Catholics by a ratio of 2:1. Some commentators believe that this sectarian divide influenced the outcome of the second referendum, on 22 July 1948, which asked Newfoundlanders to choose between confederation and dominion status, produced a vote of 51 percent to 49 percent for confederation, and Newfoundland joined Canada in the final hours of 31 March 1949.

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    Quote Originally Posted by HitoKichi View Post
    State of Muskogee

    Was Merle Haggard their president?
    Quote Originally Posted by TheCount View Post
    ...I believe that when the government is capable of doing a thing, it will.



    Disrupt, Deny, Deflate. Read the RPF trolls' playbook here (post #3): http://www.ronpaulforums.com/showthr...eptive-members

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    Los Altos, Central America

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    (Redirected from Republic of Los Altos)

    Sexto Estado de Los Altos
    Estado de Los Altos (Spanish)
    State of the Federal Republic of Central America and break-away republic of Guatemala
    1838–1840
    1848–1849
    Flag Coat of arms

    Capital Quetzaltenango
    Languages Spanish
    Government Republic
    President
    1838–1840 Marcelo Molina
    1848
    • Fernando Antonio Dávila
    • José Velazco
    • Rafael de la Torre

    History
    Independence from Guatemala 2 February 1838
    Renewed recognition of Central American Congress 5 June 1838
    Forcible reincorporation into Guatemala January 1840
    Renewed declaration of independence 26 August 1848
    Reincorporation into Guatemala 8 May 1849
    Currency Central American Republic real
    Today part of
    Los Altos (Spanish for "the highlands" or "the heights") was the sixth state of the Federal Republic of Central America, and a short-lived independent republic. Its capital was Quetzaltenango. Los Altos occupied eight departments in the west of present-day Guatemala as well as the Soconusco region in the Mexican state of Chiapas.
    The state originated from the political differences and tensions between Guatemala City on one side, and Quetzaltenango and other parts of western Central America on the other. Debate about separation from Guatemala dated from shortly after Central American independence from Spain in 1821. Such a separate state was provided for by the Federal constitutional assembly of November 1824, but there was sizable opposition to the separation in Guatemala City.
    The independence of Los Altos from Guatemala was officially proclaimed on 2 February 1838. The Federal government recognized Los Altos as the sixth state of the union and seated the representatives of Los Altos in the Federal Congress on 5 June of that year. The flag of Los Altos was a modification of that of the Central American Union, with a central seal showing a volcano in the background with a quetzal (a local bird symbolizing liberty) in front. This was the first Central American flag to use the quetzal as a symbol; since 1871, it has been on the present flag of Guatemala.
    Los Altos consisted of the administrative regions of Totonicapán (the modern Guatemalan departments of Totonicapán, Huehuetenango), Quetzaltenango (the modern departments of Quetzaltenango and San Marcos) and Suchitepéquez-Sololá (the modern departments of Retalhuleu, Suchitepéquez, Sololá, and Quiché).
    As the liberal Federation crumbled into civil war due to the influence of the Guatemalan conservatives and the regular clergy, who had been expelled from Central America after Francisco Morazán bloody invasion of Guatemala in 1829, Los Altos declared itself an independent republic.
    Contents

    [hide]



    First invasion of Rafael Carrera[edit]

    Main article: Rafael Carrera

    The Coat of Arms of Los Altos, carved in stone on the grave of heroes in the Cemetery of Quetzaltenango.



    Mariano Rivera Paz. Conservative Chief of State of Guatemala during the time Los Altos was established and then recovered for Guatemala by Rafael Carrera.

    On April 2, 1838, in the city of Quetzaltenango, a secessionist group founded the independent State of Los Altos which sought independence from Guatemala. The most important members of the Liberal Party of Guatemala and liberal enemies of the conservative regime moved to Los Altos, who no longer had to emigrate to El Salvador, having a pro-liberal state practically in his country agglutinated [1]
    The liberals in Los Altos began a harsh criticism of the Conservative government of Rivera Paz; even had their own newspaper – El Popular, which contributed to the harsh criticism.[1] Moreover, there was the fact that Los Altos was the region with more production and economic activity of the former State of Guatemala; without Los Altos, conservatives lost many merits that held the hegemony of the State of Guatemala in Central America.[1]
    The government of Guatemala tried to reach to a peaceful solution, but "altenses",[Note 1] protected by the recognition of the Central American Federation Congress, did not accept this; Guatemala's government then resorted to force, sending the commanding general of the Army Rafael Carrera to subdue Los Altos.
    Carrera defeated General Agustin Guzman when the former Mexican officer tried to ambush him and then went on to Quetzaltenango, where he imposed a harsh and hostile conservative regime for liberals. Calling all council members, he told them flatly that he was behaving kindly to them for being that the first time they had challenged him, but sternly warned them that there would be no mercy if there were to be a second time.[2] General Guzmán, and the head of state of Los Altos, Marcelo Molina, were sent to the capital of Guatemala, where they were displayed as trophies of war during a triumphant parade on February 17, 1840; in the case of Guzmán, he was shackled, still with bleeding wounds, and riding a mule.[1]
    Second Invasion of Rafael Carrera[edit]

    Main article: Francisco Morazán

    General Francisco Morazán
    tried to invade Guatemala for the second time in 1840 after having invaded in 1829 and expelled members of the Aycinena clan and regular orders. In 1840 he was defeated by Carrera overwhelmingly, marking the end of his career in Central America

    On March 18, 1840, liberal caudillo Morazán invaded Guatemala with 1500 soldiers to avenge the insult done in Los Altos and fearing that such action would end with liberal efforts to hold together the Central American Federation. Guatemala had a cordon of guards from the border with El Salvador; without telegraph service, men ran carrying last minute messages.[3] With the information from these messengers, Carrera hatched their plan of defense leaving his brother Sotero by troops who presented a slight resistance in the city.[4]
    Carrera pretended to flee and led the ragtag army to the heights of Aceituno as only had about four men and the same number of loads rifle, plus two old cannons. The city was at the mercy of the army of Morazán, with bells of their twenty temples ringing for divine assistance.[3] Once Morazán reached the capital, he took it easily and freed Guzman, who immediately left for Quetzaltenango to give the news that Carrera was defeated;[5]
    Carrera then, taking advantage of what his enemies believed, applied a strategy of concentrating fire on the Central Park of the city and also employed surprise attack tactics with which caused heavy casualties to the army of Morazán to finally force the survivors to fight for their lives.[Note 2][6] Now in such combat scenario, Morazán's soldiers lost the initiative and their numerical superiority. Furthermore, unaware of their surroundings in the city, Morazan's troops had to fight, carry their dead and care for their wounded while still resented being tired by the long march from El Salvador to Guatemala.[6]
    Carrera, by then an experienced military men[Note 3] was able to stand up and defeat Morazán thoroughly. The disaster for the liberal general was complete: aided by Angel Molina [Note 4] who knew the streets of the city, had to flee with his favorite men, disguised shouting "Long live Carrera!" through ravine of El Incienso to El Salvador, to save his life. [3]
    In his absence Morazán had been relieved as Head of State of that country, which is why he had to embark for exile in Perú.[6] In Guatemala, survivors from his troops were shot without mercy, while Carrera was out in pursuit of Morazan, who he failed to catch. This lance definitely sealed the status of General Carrera and marked the decline of Morazán,[3] and forced the conservative Aycinena clan criollos to negotiate with Carrera and his peasant revolutionary supporters.[7]
    Agustin Guzmán, who was freed by Morazán when the latter had seemingly defeated Carrera in Guatemala City, had gone back to Quetzaltenango to tell the good news. The city liberal criollo leaders rapidly reinstated the Los Altos State and celebrated Morazán's victory. However, as soon as Carrera and the newly reinstated Mariano Rivera Paz heard the news, Carrera went back to Quetzaltenango with his voluntary army to regain control of the rebel liberal state once and for all.[8]
    On 2 April 1840, after entering the city, Carrera told the citizens that he had already warned them after he defeated them earlier that year. Then, he ordered the majority of the liberal city hall officials from Los Altos to be shot on his orders. Carrera, then forcibly annexed Quetzaltenango and much of Los Altos back into conservative Guatemala. After the violent and bloody reinstatement of the State of Los Altos by Carrera in April 1840, Luis Batres Juarros — conservative member of the Aycinena Clan, then secretary general of the Guatemalan government of recently reinstated Mariano Rivera Paz — obtained from the vicar Larrazabal authorization to dismantle the regionalist Church.[9]
    Acting priests of Quetzaltenango — capital of the would-be-state of Los Altos —, priest Urban Ugarte and his coadjutor, priest José Maria Aguilar, were removed from their parish and likewise the priests of the parishes of San Martin Jilotepeque and San Lucas Tolimán. Larrazabal ordered the priests Fernando Antonio Dávila, Mariano Navarrete and Jose Ignacio Iturrioz to cover the parishes of Quetzaltenango, San Martin Jilotepeque and San Lucas Toliman, respectively.[9]

    Captain General Rafael Carrera after being appointed President for Life of the Republic of Guatemala in 1854.

    The liberal criollos defeat and execution in Quetzaltenango reinforced Carrera ally status within the native population of the area, whom he respected and protected as the leader of the peasant revolution.[7]
    Taking advantage of the chaos and unsettled situation, the Soconusco region was annexed by Mexico.
    In 1844, 1848, and 1849, unsuccessful revolts against the dictatorship of Rafael Carrera briefly reproclaimed the independence of Los Altos.
    Carrera's exile and Los Altos[edit]

    See also: Rafael Carrera and Doroteo Vasconcelos

    Proclamation Coin 1847 of the independent Republic of Guatemala

    During the first term as president, Rafael Carrera had brought the country back from excessive conservatism to a traditional climate; however, in 1848, the liberals were able to force Rafael Carrera to leave office, after the country had been in turmoil for several months.[10][11] Carrera resigned at his own free will and left for México. The new liberal regime allied itself with the Aycinena family and swiftly passed a law where they emphatically ordered to execute Carrera if he dared to return to Guatemalan soil.[10]
    In his absence, the liberal crillos from Quetzaltenango — led by general Agustín Guzmán who occupied the city after Corregidor general Mariano Paredes was called to Guatemala City to take over the Presidential office[12]- declared that Los Altos was an independent state once again on 26 August 1848; the new state had the support of Vasconcelos' regime in El Salvador and the rebel guerrilla army of Vicente and Serapio Cruz who were declared enemies of general Carrera.[13] The interim government was led by Guzmán himself and had Florencio Molina and priest Fernando Davila as his Cabinet members.[14]
    On 5 September 1848, the criollos altenses chose a formal government led by Fernando Antonio Martínez. In the meantime, Carrera decided to return to Guatemala and did so entering by Huehuetenango, where he met with the native leaders and told them that they had to remain united to prevail; the leaders agreed and slowly the segregated native communities started developing a new Indian identity under Carrera's leadership.[15] In the meantime, on the eastern part of Guatemala, the Jalapa region became increasingly dangerous; former president Mariano Rivera Paz and rebel leader Vicente Cruz were both murdered there after trying to take over the Corregidor office in 1849.[15]
    Upon learning that officer José Víctor Zavala had been appointed as Corregidor in Suchitepéquez, Carrera and his hundred jacalteco bodyguards crossed a dangerous jungle infested with jaguars to meet his former friend. When they met, Zavala not only did not capture him, but agreed to serve under his orders, thus sending a strong message to both liberal and conservatives in Guatemala City, that realized that they were forced to negotiate with Carrera, otherwise they were going to have to battle on two fronts — Quetzaltenango and Jalapa.[16]
    Carrera went back to the Quetzaltenango area, while Zavala remained in Suchitepéquez as a tactical maneuver.[17] Carrera received a visit from a Cabinet member of Paredes and told him that he had control of the native population and that he assured Paredes that he will keep them appeased.[16] When the emissary returned to Guatemala City, he told the president everything Carrera said, and added that the native forces were formidable.[18]
    Agustín Guzmán went to Antigua Guatemala to meet with another group of Paredes emissaries; they agreed that Los Altos would rejoin Guatemala, and that the latter would help Guzmán defeat his hated enemy and also build a port on the Pacific Ocean.[18] Guzmán was sure of victory this time, but his plan evaporated when, in his absence, Carrera and his native allies had occupied Quetzaltenango; Carrera appointed Ignacio Yrigoyen as Corregidor and convinced him that he should work with the K'iche', Q’anjob’al, Mam and Mam leaders to keep the region under control.[19] On his way out, Yrigoyen murmured to a friend: Now he is the King of the Indians, indeed![19]
    The region is still distinctive today, and Los Altos is still a nickname for the region of Guatemala around Quetzaltenango. Similarly, the Mexican portion of the former state is known as Los Altos de Chiapas.


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    Republic of Acre

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    Republic of Acre
    República do Acre / República del Acre
    July 1899-March 1900
    November 1900-December 1900
    January 1903-November 1903


    Flag of the First Republic of Acre (1899) -top-
    Flag of the Third Republic of Acre (1903) -bottom-
    Motto
    "Patria e Liberdade"


    Location of Acre in present-day Brazil
    Capital Antimary (Arieopolis)
    Languages Portuguese, Spanish
    Government Republic
    President
    1899-1900 Luis Gálvez Rodrígues de Arias
    1903 José Plácido de Castro
    History
    First Republic declared July 14, 1899
    Restored to Bolivia March 1900
    Second Republic declared November 1900
    Second Republic suppressed December 24, 1900
    Third Republic declared January 27, 1903
    Treaty of Petrópolis November 11, 1903
    Area
    1900 191,000 km² (73,746 sq mi)
    Population
    1900 est. 10,000
    Density 0.1 /km² (0.1 /sq mi)
    Preceded by Succeeded by
    The Republic of Acre (Portuguese: República do Acre), (Spanish: República del Acre) or the Independent State of Acre (Portuguese: Estado Independente do Acre), (Spanish: Estado Independiente del Acre) were the names of a series of separatist governments in then Bolivia's Acre region between 1899 and 1903. The region was eventually annexed by Brazil in 1903 and is now the state of Acre.
    Contents

    [hide]



    History[edit]


    Luis Gálvez Rodríguez de Arias

    For forty years, after around 1860, Acre had been overrun by Brazilians, who made up the vast majority of the population.[1] The territory of Acre was assigned to Bolivia in 1867 by the Treaty of Ayacucho with Brazil. Due to the rubber boom of the late 19th century, the region attracted many Brazilian migrants. In 1899-1900, the Spanish journalist and former diplomat Luis Gálvez Rodríguez de Arias led an expedition that sought to seize control of what is now Acre from Bolivia. The expedition was secretly financed by the Amazonas state government and aimed to incorporate Acre into Brazil after its independence from Bolivia. Gálvez declared himself president of the First Republic of Acre on July 14, 1899 and set up his capital at Antimary, which he renamed Arieopolis. That first republic lasted until March 1900, when the Brazilian government sent troops to arrest Gálvez and give Acre back to Bolivia. Gálvez was deported to Spain and the inhabitants of Acre found themselves up against both Bolivia and Brazil.
    In November 1900 an attempt was made at creating a Second Acre Republic with Rodrigo de Carvalho as president. Again the movement was suppressed, and Acre remained part of Bolivia until 1903.

    José Plácido de Castro

    After the failure of the second attempt of Acre to secede from Bolivia, a veteran soldier from Rio Grande do Sul who had fought in the Federalist Revolution of 1893, José Plácido de Castro, was approached by the Acrean Revolution leaders and offered the opportunity to lead the independence movement against the Bolivians. Plácido, who had been working in Acre since 1899 as a chief surveyor of a surveying expedition and was about to go back to Rio de Janeiro, accepted the offer. He imposed strict military discipline and reorganized the revolutionary army, which reached 30,000 men. The Acrean army won battle after battle and on January 27, 1903, José Plácido de Castro declared the Third Republic of Acre. President Rodrigues Alves of Brazil ordered Brazilian troops into Northern Acre in order to replace Plácido as the president of Acre. Through Barão do Rio Branco's most able ministerial diplomacy, the question was settled. After negotiations a treaty was signed. The Treaty of Petrópolis, which was signed on November 11, 1903, gave Brazil Acre (191.000 km²) in exchange for lands in Mato Grosso, payment of two million pounds sterling and an undertaking to construct the Madeira-Mamoré railroad that would allow Bolivia access to the outside world. On February 25, 1904 it was officially made a federal territory of Brazil.

    1899 stamp of the Independent State of Acre

    In popular culture[edit]

    The Republic of Acre forms the background to Márcio Souza's 1976 novel Galvez – Imperador do Acre.


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    The Habsburg Empire

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    Ghassanids

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


    "Ghassan" redirects here. For people with the given name Ghassan, see Ghassan (given name).
    Ghassanid Kingdom
    الغساسنة‎
    220–638
    Flag Coat of arms
    Capital Jabiyah
    Languages Arabic
    Religion Christian (Eastern Orthodox Church, Syriac Orthodox Church)
    Government Monarchy
    History
    Established 220
    Annexed by Rashidun Caliphate 638
    Succeeded by
    The Ghassanids (Arabic: الغساسنة‎‎‏; al-Ghasāsinah, also Banū Ghassān "Sons of Ghassān") were a group of Arabs, descended from the Azd tribes, that emigrated in the early 3rd century from the Southern Arabian Peninsula to the Levant region,[1][2] where some merged with Greek-speaking Christians' communities,[3] converting to Christianity in the first few centuries AD while others were already Christians before emigrating north to escape religious persecution.[2][4] Few Ghassanids became Muslim following the Islamic Conquest; most Ghassanids remained Christian and joined Melkite and Syriac communities within what is now Jordan, Palestine, Israel, Syria and Lebanon.[2]
    After settling in the Levant, the Ghassanids became a client state to the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire and fought alongside the Byzantine Empire against the Persian Sassanids and Arab Lakhmids.[1][4] The lands of the Ghassanids also acted as a buffer zone protecting lands that had been annexed by the Romans against raids by Bedouin tribes.
    Contents

    [hide]



    Migration from Yemen[edit]

    Oral tradition holds that the Ghassanids came from the city of Ma'rib in South Arabia and its surrounding cities and towns, modern day Yemen.[5] Tradition holds that their exodus from the area was primarily due to the destruction of the Marib Dam, the story of which is detailed in the eponymous 34th chapter of the Quran.[6] The Arabic proverb “They were scattered like the people of Saba” refers to that exodus in history.[citation needed]. Migration did also occur in different waves, another prominent wave being the prosecution of Christian Arabs by the rulers and the mass graves where many who did not escape were buried alive - the same is recited in the Quran and referred to "Asḥāb al-Ukhdūd" (أصحاب الاخدود). The date of the migration to the Levant is unclear, but they are believed to have arrived in the region of Syria between 250-300 AD and later waves of migration circa 400 AD.[5] Their earliest appearance in records is dated to 473 AD, when their chief Amorkesos signed a treaty with the Eastern Roman Empire acknowledging their status as foederati controlling parts of Palestine. He apparently became Chalcedonian at this time. By the year 510, the Ghassanids were no longer Monophysite, but Chalcedonian.[7]They became the leading tribe among the Arab foederati, such as Banu Amela and Banu Judham.
    Ghassanid Kingdom[edit]

    Roman era[edit]

    After originally settling in the Levant, the Ghassanids became a client state to the Eastern Roman Empire. The Romans found a powerful ally in the Ghassanids who acted as a buffer zone against the Lakhmids. In addition, as kings of their own people, they were also phylarchs, native rulers of client frontier states.[8][9] The capital was at Jabiyah in the Golan Heights. Geographically, it occupied much of the eastern Levant, and its authority extended via tribal alliances with other Azdi tribes all the way to the northern Hijaz as far south as Yathrib (Medina).[10][11]
    Byzantine era[edit]


    Near East in 565 AD, showing the Ghassanids and their neighbors.

    The Ghassanids fought alongside the Byzantine Empire against the Persian Sassanids and Arab Lakhmids.[4] The lands of the Ghassanids also continually acted as a buffer zone, protecting Byzantine lands against raids by Bedouin tribes. Among their Arab allies were the Banu Judham and Banu Amela.
    The Byzantine Empire was focused more on the East and a long war with the Persians was always their main concern. The Ghassanids maintained their rule as the guardian of trade routes, policed Lakhmid tribes and was a source of troops for the Byzantine army. The Ghassanid king al-Harith ibn Jabalah (reigned 529–569) supported the Byzantines against SassanidPersia and was given in 529 by the emperor Justinian I, the highest imperial title that was ever bestowed upon a foreign ruler; also the status of patricians.[12][13] In addition to that, al-Harith ibn Jabalah was given the rule over all the Arab allies of the Byzantine Empire.[14] Al-Harith was a Miaphysite Christian; he helped to revive the Syrian Miaphysite (Jacobite) Church and supported Miaphysite development despite Orthodox Byzantium regarding it as heretical. Later Byzantine mistrust and persecution of such religious unorthodoxy brought down his successors, al-Mundhir (reigned 569-582) and Nu'man.
    The Ghassanids, who had successfully opposed the Persian allied Lakhmids of al-Hirah (Southern modern-day Iraq), prospered economically and engaged in much religious and public building; they also patronized the arts and at one time entertained the Arabian poets Nabighah adh-Dhubyani and Hassan ibn Thabit at their courts.[1]
    After the fall of the first kingdom of Ghassan, King Jabalah ibn-al-Aiham established a Government-in-exile in Byzantium.[15] Ghassanid influence on the empire lasted centuries; the climax of this presence was the elevation of one of his descendants, Nikephoros I (ruled 802-811) to the throne and his establishment of a short-lived dynasty that can be described as the Nikephorian or Phocid Dynasty in the 9th century.[16] But Nikephoros was not only a mere Ghassanid descendant, he claimed the headship of the Ghassanid Dynasty using the eponym of King Jafna, the founder of the Dynasty, rather than merely express himself descendant of King Jabalah.[17][18]
    Islamic conquest[edit]

    The Ghassanids remained a Byzantine vassal state until its rulers and the eastern Byzantine Empire were overthrown by the Muslims in the 7th century, following the Battle of Yarmuk in 636 AD. At the time of the Muslim conquest the Ghassanids were no longer united by the same Christian faiths: some of them accepted union with the Byzantine Chalcedonian church; others remained faithful to Monophysitism and a significant number of them maintained their Christian religious identity and decided to side with the Muslim armies to emphasize their loyalty to their Arabic roots and in recognition of the wider context of a rising Arab Empire under the veil of Islam. It is worth noting that a significant percentage of the Muslim armies in the Battle of Mu'tah (معركة مؤتة ) were Christian Arabs[citation needed]. Several of those Christian Arab tribes in today's modern Jordan who sided with the Muslim armies were recognized by exempting them from paying jizya (فديه) . Jizya is a form of tax paid by non-Muslims - Muslims paid another form of tax called Zakah (زكاه ). Later those who remained Christian joined Melkite Syriac communities. The remnants of the Ghassanids were dispersed throughout Asia Minor.[2]
    Jabalah ibn-al-Aiham ordeal with Islam[edit]

    There are different opinions why Jabalah and his followers didn't convert to Islam. Some opinions go along the general idea that the Ghassanids were not interested yet in giving up their status as the lords and nobility of Syria.[citation needed] Below is quoted the story of Jabalah's return to the land of the Byzantines as told by 9th-century historian al-Baladhuri.
    Jabalah ibn-al-Aiham sided with the Ansar (Azdi Muslims from Medina) saying, "You are our brethren and the sons of our fathers" and professed Islam. After the arrival of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab in Syria, year 17 (636AD), Jabalah had a dispute with one of the Muzainah (Non-Arab Caste) and knocked out his eye. 'Umar ordered that he be punished, upon which Jabalah said, "Is his eye like mine? Never, by Allah, shall I abide in a town where I am under authority." He then apostatized and went to the land of the Greeks (the Byzantines). This Jabalah was the king of Ghassan and the successor of al-Harith ibn-abi-Shimr (or Chemor).[19]
    Kings[edit]


    Ghassanid King Al-Harith in his tent, speaking with the Abu Zayd to the right. Al-Harith was a popular character of Arab history, folktales, and sagas.[1]

    Earlier kings are traditional, actual dates highly uncertain.

    1. Jafnah I ibn `Amr (220-265)
    2. `Amr I ibn Jafnah (265-270)
    3. Tha'labah ibn Amr (270-287)
    4. al-Harith I ibn Th`alabah (287-307)
    5. Jabalah I ibn al-Harith I (307-317)
    6. al-Harith II ibn Jabalah "ibn Maria" (317-327)
    7. al-Mundhir I Senior ibn al-Harith II (327-330) with...
    8. al-Aiham ibn al-Harith II (327-330) and...
    9. al-Mundhir II Junior ibn al-Harith II (327-340) and...
    10. al-Nu'man I ibn al-Harith II (327-342) and...
    11. `Amr II ibn al-Harith II (330-356) and...
    12. Jabalah II ibn al-Harith II (327-361)
    13. Jafnah II ibn al-Mundhir I (361-391) with...
    14. al-Nu'man II ibn al-Mundhir I (361-362)
    15. al-Nu'man III ibn 'Amr ibn al-Mundhir I (391-418)
    16. Jabalah III ibn al-Nu'man (418-434)
    17. al-Nu'man IV ibn al-Aiham (434-455) with...
    18. al-Harith III ibn al-Aiham (434-456) and...
    19. al-Nu'man V ibn al-Harith (434-453)
    20. al-Mundhir II ibn al-Nu'man (453-472) with...
    21. `Amr III ibn al-Nu'man (453-486) and...
    22. Hijr ibn al-Nu'man (453-465)
    23. al-Harith IV ibn Hijr (486-512)
    24. Jabalah IV ibn al-Harith (512-529)
    25. al- Amr IV ibn Machi (Mah’shee) (529)
    26. al-Harith V ibn Jabalah (529-569)
    27. al-Mundhir III ibn al-Harith (569-581) with...
    28. Abu Kirab al-Nu'man ibn al-Harith (570-582)
    29. al-Nu'man VI ibn al-Mundhir (581-583)
    30. al-Harith VI ibn al-Harith (583)
    31. al-Nu'man VII ibn al-Harith Abu Kirab (583- ?)
    32. al-Aiham ibn Jabalah (? -614)
    33. al-Mundhir IV ibn Jabalah (614- ?)
    34. Sharahil ibn Jabalah (61 -618)
    35. Amr IV ibn Jabalah (628)
    36. Jabalah V ibn al-Harith (628-632)
    37. Jabalah VI ibn al-Aiham (632-638)
    38. Ghassan Al-Hourani (638-712)

    Legacy[edit]

    The Ghassanids reached their peak under al-Harith V and al-Mundhir III. Both were militarily successful allies of the Byzantines, especially against their enemies the Lakhmids, and secured Byzantium's southern flank and its political and commercial interests in Arabia proper. On the other hand, the Ghassanids remained fervently dedicated to Monophysitism, which brought about their break with Byzantium and Mundhir's own downfall and exile, which was followed after 586 by the dissolution of the Ghassanid federation.[20] The Ghassanids' patronage of the Monophysite Syrian Church was crucial for its survival and revival, and even its spread, through missionary activities, south into Arabia. According to the historian Warwick Ball, the Ghassanids' promotion of a simpler and more rigidly monotheistic form of Christianity in a specifically Arab context can be said to have anticipated Islam.[21] Ghassanid rule also brought a period of considerable prosperity for the Arabs on the eastern fringes of Syria, as evidenced by a spread of urbanization and the sponsorship of several churches, monasteries and other buildings. The surviving descriptions of the Ghassanid courts impart an image of luxury and an active cultural life, with patronage of the arts, music and especially Arab-language poetry. In the words of Ball, "the Ghassanid courts were the most important centres for Arabic poetry before the rise of the Caliphal courts under Islam", and their court culture, including their penchant for desert palaces like Qasr ibn Wardan, provided the model for the Umayyad caliphs and their court.[22]
    After the fall of the first kingdom in the 7th century, several dynasties, both Christian and Muslim, ruled claiming to be a continuation of the House of Ghassan.[23] Besides the Phocid or Nikephorian Dynasty of the Byzantine Empire, other rulers claimed to be the heirs of the Royal Ghassanids. The Rasulid Sultans ruled from the 13th until the 15th century in Yemen.[24] And the Burji Mamluk Sultans in Egypt from the 14th until the 16th century.[25] Even both dynasties being Muslim, they claimed to be heirs and successors of Ghassan. The last rulers to bear the titles of Royal Ghassanid successors were the Christian Sheiks Chemor in Mount Lebanon ruling the small sovereign sheikhdom of Zgartha-Zwaiya until 1747 A.D.- [26]

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