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Thread: The Anglo-American Establishment by Dr. Carroll Quigley [Download PDF]

  1. #1

    The Anglo-American Establishment by Dr. Carroll Quigley [Download PDF]

    This book will rock your world. A must read.

    The Anglo-American Establishment by Dr. Carroll Quigley

    Professor of Foreign Service
    Georgetown University

    Chapter 1—Introduction

    Chapter 2—The Cecil Bloc

    Chapter 3—The Secret Society of Cecil Rhodes (1)

    Chapter 4—Milner’s Kindergarten, 1897-1910

    Chapter 5—Milner Group, Rhodes, and Oxford, 1901-1925

    Chapter 6—The Times

    Chapter 7—The Round Table

    Chapter 8—War and Peace, 1915-1920

    Chapter 9—Creation of the Commonwealth

    Chapter 10—The Royal Institute of International Affairs

    Chapter 11—India, 1911-1945

    Chapter 12—Foreign Policy, 1919-1940

    Chapter 13—The Second World War, 1939-1945

    Appendix—A Tentative Roster of the Milner Group
    Last edited by FrankRep; 07-08-2009 at 08:44 AM.

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  3. #2

    The Rhodes Scholarships, established by the terms of Cecil Rhodes's seventh will, are known to everyone. What is not so widely known is that Rhodes in five previous wills left his fortune to form a secret society, which was to devote itself to the preservation and expansion of the British Empire. And what does not seem to be known to anyone is that this secret society was created by Rhodes and his principal trustee, Lord Milner, and continues to exist to this day. To be sure, this secret society is not a childish thing like the Ku Klux Klan, and it does not have any secret robes, secret handclasps, or secret passwords. It does not need any of these, since its members know each other intimately. It probably has no oaths of secrecy nor any formal procedure of initiation. It does, however, exist and holds secret meetings, over which the senior member present presides. At various times since 1891, these meetings have been presided over by Rhodes, Lord Milner, Lord Selborne, Sir Patrick Duncan, Field Marshal Jan Smuts, Lord Lothian, and Lord Brand. They have been held in all the British Dominions, starting in South Africa about 1903; in various places in London, chiefly 175 Piccadilly; at various colleges at Oxford, chiefly All Souls; and at many English country houses such as Tring Park, Blickling Hall, Cliveden, and others.

    This society has been known at various times as Milner's Kindergarten, as the Round Table Group, as the Rhodes crowd, as The Times crowd, as the All Souls group, and as the Cliveden set. All of these terms are unsatisfactory, for one reason or another, and I have chosen to call it the Milner Group. Those persons who have used the other terms, or heard them used, have not generally been aware that all these various terms referred to the same Group.

    It is not easy for an outsider to write the history of a secret group of this kind, but, since no insider is going to do it, an outsider must attempt it. It should be done, for this Group is, as I shall show, one of the most important historical facts of the twentieth century. Indeed, the Group is of such significance that evidence of its existence is not hard to find, if one knows where to look. This evidence I have sought to point out without overly burdening this volume with footnotes and bibliographical references. While such evidences of scholarship are kept at a minimum, I believe I have given the source of every fact which I mention. Some of these facts came to me from sources which I am not permitted to name, and I have mentioned them only where I can produce documentary evidence available to everyone. Nevertheless, it would have been very difficult to write this book if I had not received a certain amount of assistance of a personal nature from persons close to the Group. For obvious reasons, I cannot reveal the names of such persons, so I have not made reference to any information derived from them unless it was information readily available from other sources.

    Naturally, it is not possible for an outsider to write about a secret group without falling into errors. There are undoubtedly errors in what follows. I have tried to keep these at a minimum by keeping the interpretation at a minimum and allowing the facts to speak for themselves. This will serve as an excuse for the somewhat excessive use of quotations. I feel that there is no doubt at all about my general interpretation. I also feel that there are few misstatements of fact, except in one most difficult matter. This difficulty arises from the problem of knowing just who is and who is not a member of the Group. Since membership may not be a formal matter but based rather on frequent social association, and since the frequency of such association varies from time to time and from person to person, it is not always easy to say who is in the Group and who is not. I have tried to solve this difficulty by dividing the Group into two concentric circles: an inner core of intimate associates, who unquestionably knew that they were members of a group devoted to a common purpose; and an outer circle of a larger number, on whom the inner circle acted by personal persuasion, patronage distribution, and social pressure. It is probable that most members of the outer circle were not conscious that they were being used by a secret society. More likely they knew it, but, English fashion, felt it discreet to ask no questions. The ability of Englishmen of this class and background to leave the obvious unstated, except perhaps in obituaries, is puzzling and sometimes irritating to an outsider. In general, I have undoubtedly made mistakes in my lists of members, but the mistakes, such as they are, are to be found rather in my attribution of any particular person to the outer circle instead of the inner core, rather than in my connecting him to the Group at all. In general, I have attributed no one to the inner core for whom I do not have evidence, convincing to me, that he attended the secret meetings of the Group. As a result, several persons whom I place in the outer circle, such as Lord Halifax, should probably be placed in the inner core.

    I should say a few words about my general attitude toward this subject. I approached the subject as a historian. This attitude I have kept. I have tried to describe or to analyze, not to praise or to condemn. I hope that in the book itself this attitude is maintained. Of course I have an attitude, and it would be only fair to state it here. In general, I agree with the goals and aims of the Milner Group. I feel that the British way of life and the British Commonwealth of Nations are among the great achievements of all history. I feel that the destruction of either of them would be a terrible disaster to mankind. I feel that the withdrawal of Ireland, of Burma, of India, or of Palestine from the Commonwealth is regrettable and attributable to the fact that the persons in control of these areas failed to absorb the British way of life while they were parts of the Commonwealth. I suppose, in the long view, my attitude would not be far different from that of the members of the Milner Group. But, agreeing with the Group on goals, I cannot agree with them on methods. To be sure, I realize that some of their methods were based on nothing but good intentions and high ideals—higher ideals than mine, perhaps. But their lack of perspective in critical moments, their failure to use intelligence and common sense, their tendency to fall back on standardized social reactions and verbal cliches in a crisis, their tendency to place power and influence into hands chosen by friendship rather than merit, their oblivion to the consequences of their actions, their ignorance of the point of view of persons in other countries or of persons in other classes in their own country—these things, it seems to me, have brought many of the things which they and I hold dear close to disaster. In this Group were persons like Esher, Grey, Milner, Hankey, and Zimmern, who must command the admiration and affection of all who know of them. On the other hand, in this Group were persons whose lives have been a disaster to our way of life. Unfortunately, in the long run, both in the Group and in the world, the influence of the latter kind has been stronger than the influence of the former.

    This has been my personal attitude. Little of it, I hope, has penetrated to the pages which follow. I have been told that the story I relate here would be better left untold, since it would provide ammunition for the enemies of what I admire. I do not share this view. The last thing I should wish is that anything I write could be used by the Anglophobes and isolationists of the Chicago Tribune. But I feel that the truth has a right to be told, and, once told, can be an injury to no men of good will. Only by a knowledge of the errors of the past is it possible to correct the tactics of the future.

    Carroll Quigley

    Ron Paul Forum's Mission Statement:

    Inspired by US Rep. Ron Paul of Texas, this site is dedicated to facilitating grassroots initiatives that aim to restore a sovereign limited constitutional Republic based on the rule of law, states' rights and individual rights. We seek to enshrine the original intent of our Founders to foster respect for private property, seek justice, provide opportunity, and to secure individual liberty for ourselves and our posterity.

  4. #3
    Here's Carroll Quigley –The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden, 20.7 MB (1949):

    Unfortunately Quigley’s is no masterpiece. It presents some of the elite people that were supposedly involved, but not what they were actually doing. This shouldn’t be a surprise as Quigley himself admitted that he supports the goals of the “Round Table”.
    I found the following article, long but much shorter than Quigley´s book, much better (link at the bottom).

    In the late 1890s, the Rhodes Scholarship was founded by Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Milner (KG). Rhodes was motivated to do this by Astley Cooper (an ally of Stead) and Thomas Beare.

    Since 1891, secret meetings in all British dominions of its senior members were presided over by: Rhodes, Milner, the Earl of Selborne (William Palmer, KG 1909), Patrick Duncan, Jan Smuts, Lord Lothian and Lord Brand.

    From 1891 to 1902, Rhodes was the leader of the “Round Table”.
    From 1902 to 1925, Milner was its leader in South Africa, with Philip Kerr (Lord Lothian) and Lionel Curtis amongst its most influential members.
    It was Milner, who established the Kindergarten for young Oxford graduates that were deeply committed to Britsh imperialism, who had served Britain during and after the Boer War in South Africa (1899–1902).
    When Milner’s Kindergarten returned to Britain in 1909, it was Milner’s vision that decided on its goals (instead of that of Cecil Rhodes).

    This group included:
    J.F. (Peter) Perry, Lionel Curtis, Hugh Wyndham, Patrick Duncan,
    Geoffrey Robinson (who named himself “Dawson” in 1917), Philip Kerr (Lord Lothian),
    Lionel Hichens, Richard Feetham and Robert H. Brand.

    Alfred Milner spent his early years in Germany and moved to England in 1869. In 1881, Milner became a journalist for the Pall Mall Gazette where he worked with William Stead and where H.G. Wells later got his first job (with the help of Thomas Huxley).
    Stead was a Theosophist and had met Madame Blavatsky in London in 1888.
    Milner met "initiates" Lord Rosebery (Archibald Primrose, KG 1892), George Parkin and Lord Esher.
    Milner renewed his acquaintance with Sidney and Beatrice Webb, founders of the Fabian Society. Alfred Milner also joined 2 “dining clubs”, devoted to imperial unity and tariff reform: the "Coefficients" and the "Compatriots". The Coefficients were founded by Sidney Webb in 1902, met monthly to discuss defense, imperial issues and the economy. The Compatriots were established by Leo Amery and concerned itself with tariff reform and imperial unity. Amery was a journalist, who became associated with Milner while working for the Times during the Boer War.

    Starting in 1920, Lord Astor took a more dominant position in this group.
    From 1925 to 1940, Lord Lothian was its leader.
    Since 1940, Lord Robert Henry Brand was probably its leader (according to Quigley).

    Other important families in this group:
    Salisbury - Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (KG 1878). The Cecil family features handsomely in the Order of the Garet, including Robert Arthur James Gascoyne-Cecil, 5th Marquess of Salisbury (KG 1947).
    William Cavendish-Bentinck , the Duke of Devonshire (KG 1916).

    Other important names affililiated with the Round Table include:
    Arthur Balfour, Winston Churchill, and Nathaniel Rothschild

    Curtis frequently clashed with Milner and Amery on the grand scheme of things. While Curtis put his faith in a political solution, Milner pushed for free trade amongst British dominions but with a common tariff against the rest of the world to bring the “Commonwealth” of countries closes together.
    Leo Amery argued that Curtis’s proposals would be: "constitutional hari-kari to sacrifice the British system of government in order to establish an imperial union based on the US federal system”.

    In September 1909, Curtis’s proposals to create an organisation to influence public opinion to create an imperial federation were debated at the estate of Lord Anglesey at Plas Newydd, Wales.
    In 1910, the Round Table started “The Round Table” periodical paper.

    The Round Table reached the apex of its political power and influence during World War I. From 1916 to 1919, Round Table members occupied senior positions when David Lloyd George was British Prime Minister. Lloyd George had worked as a lawyer for the Zionist Congress and in 1916 would replace then Prime Minister, Herbert Asquith (KG in 1925).

    Milner was first appointed to the five-member War Cabinet as a minister without portfolio, but in April 1918 became Secretary of State for War.
    Lord Lothian - Lloyd George’s private secretary and foreign policy adviser.
    Leo Amery - Assistant Secretary to the War Cabinet Secretariat.
    William Waldorf Astor - Lloyd George’s Personal Parliamentary Secretary.
    Robert Brand - Deputy Chairman of the British Mission in Washington DC.
    John Buchan - Lloyd George’s Director of Information.
    Also joining the government was new Round Table member Alfred Zimmern who transferred from the Ministry of Reconstruction to the Political Intelligence Department at the Foreign Office in 1917.

    In February 1917 one British journalist wrote of a "little body of illuminati" from "the class of travelling empirics of Empire, who came in with Lord Milner" and had now taken up residence in the "Garden Suburb", for the sinister purpose of "cultivat[ing] the Prime Minister’s mind".
    Lockwood confirmed that there was "a good deal of truth" to these claims, like Naylor who wrote on a "Fabian-like Milnerite penetration" of Lloyd George’s government.

    That Lord Lothian had a substantial influence over PM Lloyd George is confirmed by that in January 1919, Lothian got Lloyd George to pressure Lord Robert Cecil - Britain’s representative at the League of Nations negotiations - to make changes to the League Covenant. In 1937, Robert Cecil (son of Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, KG) got the Nobel Prize for his service to Britsh imperialism.

    According to Quigley, the Round Table was transformed into an "international anglophile network". The 3 main front organisations created by the Round Table were:
    Royal Institute for International Affairs (RIIA or Chatham House) in Britain;
    Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) in the US;
    Institute for Pacific Relations (IPR) in the US.

    Nexus Magazine –A short history of the Round Table (2005):
    (archived here:
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