EDIT: SEE LAST POST!
this is for my highschool US History class....Please by your toughest when critiquing and/or help me find better stuff on this.... note: superscripts didn't copy, but the list of all my sources in the order of appearance should be under. oh, and block quotes didnt stay that way so i quoted them using the bb code. also, its only the first half....
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One of the most important political issues facing the United States today is its foreign policy. While most discussion focuses on the specific details of our military intervention, like how many troops we have in a country, or for how many more years we are going to occupy another country, some fundamental questions regarding our affairs abroad are rarely asked. Perhaps the most basic question to ask is whether or not we should even have any military involvement at all in foreign nations. Once this question is asked, and the facts are taken into consideration, it is clear that the United States should have absolutely no military involvement in the rest of the world. Maintaining a humble foreign reduces the chance of a foreign country attacking the U.S. Additionally, the principles that the United States was founded on call for a noninterventionist foreign policy. Eliminating military presence abroad would also drastically reduce the amount of money that the United States spends on the Department of Defense.
While there are several reasons for the United States to adopt a noninterventionist foreign policy, perhaps one of the most glaring reasons is to avoid the unintended consequences caused by military interventionism. The CIA refers to these unintended consequences as “blowback” and uses the term to “describe the likelihood that our covert operations in other people’s countries would result in retaliations against Americans.” The United States’ occupation of foreign countries is the cause of the aggression toward it. An example of this is the 9/11 terrorism attacks on the United States. In a speech shortly after the terrorist attacks, President Bush claimed that al Qaeda attacked the United States because, “[t]hey hate our freedoms: our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other.” This explanation, however, is simply not true. Bin Laden’s and al Qaeda do not like the United States because of its involvement in their affairs. They openly state that they object to:
In fact, Michal Scheuer, the former chief of the CIA’s Osama bin Laden Unit at the Counterterrorist Center in the late 1990s, “points out that Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini tried in vain for a decade to instigate an anti-Western jihad” on the basis of “hatred of Western liberalism or the moral degeneracy of American culture.” While this was unsuccessful, “[b]in Laden’s message has been so popular because it is largely defensive.” Possibly most revealing of his intentions is a content analysis of bin Laden’s statements and interviews. Seventy-two percent of the content falls into the “Criticism of U.S./Western/Jewish aggression, oppression”, and exploitation of Muslim lands and peoples” theme, while only 1.2 percent is regarded as, “Criticism of American society and culture” or “Spreading Islam to the West.”our government’s propping up of unpopular regimes in the Middle East, the presence of American troops on the Arabian Peninsula, the American government’s support for the activities of governments that are hostile to their Muslim populations, and what they believe to be an American bias toward Israel.
Of course, 9/11 is just one instance when the United States has been targeted because of its military presence in foreign countries. Attacks occur regularly against American soldiers in countries like Afghanistan. The reason that these attacks occur is because the people of those countries “view themselves as being invaded and occupied.” The troops’ presence in these countries is the cause of the problem, not the solution. Another example of blowback is when the United States overthrew Prime Minister Muhammad Mossadegh in Iran in 1953. The United States removed the popularly elected government and replaced Mossadegh with the repressive Shah, Mohammad Rezā Pahlavi. Twenty-six years later, a group of revolutionary students took fifty-two American citizens hostage for 444 days because they “resent[ed] that kind of interference in their affairs.” Furthermore, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in the 1980s, the United States “armed and supported any and all groups willing to face the Soviet armies.” While the intervention did help achieve the United States’ goal of causing the Soviet Union to suffer the same defeat that the United States suffered in Vietnam, it also helped bring to power the Taliban, a fundamentalist Islamic movement with draconian policies toward women, education and justice.
A noninterventionist foreign policy would not only have the benefits of reducing foreign aggression toward the United States, but it is also based on the principles that the United States was founded on. The founding fathers intended for the United States to keep to its own affairs and not get caught up in the harmful affairs of other nations. In his farewell address, President Washington said, “The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is … to have with them as little political connection as possible.” President Monroe felt that it was best for the United States to not intervene in other countries’ affairs. In the Monroe Doctrine, he says, “It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense.” Additionally, President John Quincy Adams said in a speech to the House of Representatives that:
The founding fathers of the United States knew that foreign intervention would only inhibit the prosperity of the United States, which is why they warned future generations so vigorously as to how to conduct foreign relations.She [the United States] has, in the lapse of nearly half a century, without a single exception, respected the independence of other nations while asserting and maintaining her own. She has abstained from interference in the concerns of others, even when conflict has been for principles to which she clings, as to the last vital drop that visits the heart.
In addition to the words of early presidents, the founding documents of the United States prove that the United States should have a noninterventionist foreign policy. The United States Constitution gives the legislature, not the executive, the power, “To declare War… To raise and support Armies … To provide and maintain a Navy … [and] To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces.” While the executive only has the power to “be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States” Basically, the Constitution gives the legislature complete control over the military except the power to command it, which is in the hands of the president. However, the president only receives that power when the legislature calls the military to service and the only way outlined in the Constitution for the legislature to do this for non-domestic purposes is through declaration of war.
Alexander Hamilton explains in Federalist Paper No. 73 that “The propriety of this provision is so evident in itself… that little need be said to explain or enforce it.” The framers of the Constitution could not even imagine a president with full control over the military. Yet unfortunately, for the past 60 years, this portion of the Constitution has been ignored and presidents like Harry S Truman and Lyndon B. Johnson have taken advantage of this and waged interventionist wars. If the principles set forth by the Constitution had been followed, the United States would have not been in the Korean War, Vietnam War, Gulf War, Iraq War, or the “War on Terror,” as in none of these instances did the legislature ever issue a formal declaration of war and the president should have had no power whatsoever over the military. If the Constitution had been followed throughout its history, the United States would have never been able to get involved it all of these interventionist wars.
In addition to being the foreign policy that the United States was founded upon, a noninterventionist foreign policy would have an immense economic benefit................
Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American
Empire, 2nd ed. (New York: Macmillan, 2004), ix.
President George W. Bush (Speech, Joint Session of Congress, September
20, 2001), www.greatdreams.com/bush_speech_92001.htm (accessed May 20, 2009).
Ron Paul, The Revolution: A Manifesto (New York: Grand Central
Publishing, 2008), 17-18.
Ron Paul, The Revolution: A Manifesto, 17
Ibid.
Bruce Lawrence, Messages to the World: The Statements of Osama bin
Laden (London: Verso, 2005),
Col. Andrew Bacevich and Sen. John Kerry (Testimony, Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations, Dirksen Senate Building, April 23, 2009), in U.S. Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations, foreign.senate.gov (accessed May 20, 2009).
Ibid.
Ron Paul, The Revolution: A Manifesto, 19-20.
Ibid.
Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire, 13.
Ibid.
George Washington, "Washington's Farewell Address" (Speech, 1796),
avalon.law.yale.edu (accessed May 20, 2009).
James Monroe, "Monroe Doctrine" (Speech, December 2, 1823),
avalon.law.yale.edu (accessed May 20, 2009).
John Quincy Adams (Speech, Address to House of Representatives, July 4,
1821), www.fff.org (accessed May 20, 2009).
The United States Constitution.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Alexander Hamilton, "Federalist Paper No. 73," Federalist Papers (March
1788), thomas.loc.gov (accessed May 20, 2009).
Ron Paul, The Revolution: A Manifesto, 51
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I would then go on to talking about the economic costs of interventionism, giving historical, modern, foreign and domestic evidence. I would also refute counterarguments claiming that interventionism is necessary for national security, for economic purposes (oil, etc.) and that noninterventionism is isolationism
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