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adwads
01-12-2008, 07:27 PM
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_Roman_Republic

Some of these issues sound eerily familiar...

The memory of tyranny under the kings lived well into the life of the republic. It was this fear that enforced the constitution of the Roman Republic. But the constitution was unwritten, and no one was ever given the task of enforcing it. Thus, it had power and legitimacy only so long as those in power allowed it to have that power and legitimacy. Towards the end of the 2nd Century BC, and into the 1st Century BC, the fear of the kings had been replaced by two new fears. Due to longer, and more protracted warfare, executive power was enlarging beyond its constitutional limits. Struggles were becoming more violent, between the educated aristocracy, which knew the dangers of tyranny, and the people. The common people were more interested in jobs, and their own livelihood, than they were in abstract constitutional issues. It was this that lead to the rise of Gaius Julius Caesar. Caesar seized power, using the same popular support that Sulla had feared. Sulla's reforms, meant to strengthen the senate, had been dismantled in the years following his death. Caesar's popular support proved too much for the entrenched aristocracy in the senate. Caesar overpowered the senate, and seized complete power. Caesar was assassinated on the Ides of March, by a Roman who had claimed descent from the senator who had expelled Tarquin[7]. It was the fear of a return to the tyranny of the kingdom, that motivated Marcus Junius Brutus, and the rest of Caesar's assassins.

aspiringconstitutionalist
01-12-2008, 07:29 PM
If you want more relevant lessons from past democracies and Republics, just read the Federalist Papers.

freedom-maniac
01-12-2008, 07:32 PM
If you want more relevant lessons from past democracies and Republics, just read the Federalist Papers.

I've actually read some of those. But I think Roman history is important too.

Crickett
01-12-2008, 07:34 PM
I'd be pretty interested in how, exactly the empire turned into one city..

adwads
01-12-2008, 08:26 PM
I'd be pretty interested in how, exactly the empire turned into one city..

scary, huh.

AlbemarleNC0003
01-12-2008, 08:32 PM
This was posted the other day here. I linked it to another site.

Police ordered to keep some supporters out. (http://ronpaul.in/2008/01/police-ordered-to-keep-supporters-out.html)


So get smart. Take off the buttons and then put them on again when you get in.

Where have I heard this "logic" before?

http://www.truthdig.com/images/eartothegrounduploads/jewish_star_350.jpg

ConstitutionFTW
01-12-2008, 10:08 PM
In the autumn of 68 B.C. the world’s only military superpower was dealt a profound psychological blow by a daring terrorist attack on its very heart. Rome’s port at Ostia was set on fire, the consular war fleet destroyed, and two prominent senators, together with their bodyguards and staff, kidnapped. ... [I]n the panicky aftermath of the attack, the Roman people made decisions that set them on the path to the destruction of their Constitution, their democracy and their liberty. One cannot help wondering if history is repeating itself.

Consider the parallels. The perpetrators of this spectacular assault were not in the pay of any foreign power: no nation would have dared to attack Rome so provocatively. They were, rather, the disaffected of the earth: “The ruined men of all nations,” in the words of the great 19th-century German historian Theodor Mommsen, “a piratical state with a peculiar esprit de corps.”

Like Al Qaeda, these pirates were loosely organized, but able to spread a disproportionate amount of fear among citizens who had believed themselves immune from attack. To quote Mommsen again: “The Latin husbandman, the traveler on the Appian highway, the genteel bathing visitor at the terrestrial paradise of Baiae were no longer secure of their property or their life for a single moment.”

What was to be done? Over the preceding centuries, the Constitution of ancient Rome had developed an intricate series of checks and balances intended to prevent the concentration of power in the hands of a single individual. The consulship, elected annually, was jointly held by two men. Military commands were of limited duration and subject to regular renewal. Ordinary citizens were accustomed to a remarkable degree of liberty: the cry of “Civis Romanus sum” — “I am a Roman citizen” — was a guarantee of safety throughout the world.

But such was the panic that ensued after Ostia that the people were willing to compromise these rights. The greatest soldier in Rome, the 38-year-old Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (better known to posterity as Pompey the Great) arranged for a lieutenant of his, the tribune Aulus Gabinius, to rise in the Roman Forum and propose an astonishing new law.

“Pompey was to be given not only the supreme naval command but what amounted in fact to an absolute authority and uncontrolled power over everyone,” the Greek historian Plutarch wrote. “There were not many places in the Roman world that were not included within these limits.”

Pompey eventually received almost the entire contents of the Roman Treasury — 144 million sesterces — to pay for his “war on terror,” which included building a fleet of 500 ships and raising an army of 120,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry. Such an accumulation of power was unprecedented, and there was literally a riot in the Senate when the bill was debated.

Nevertheless, at a tumultuous mass meeting in the center of Rome, Pompey’s opponents were cowed into submission, the Lex Gabinia passed (illegally), and he was given his power. In the end, once he put to sea, it took less than three months to sweep the pirates from the entire Mediterranean. Even allowing for Pompey’s genius as a military strategist, the suspicion arises that if the pirates could be defeated so swiftly, they could hardly have been such a grievous threat in the first place.

But it was too late to raise such questions. By the oldest trick in the political book — the whipping up of a panic, in which any dissenting voice could be dismissed as “soft” or even “traitorous” — powers had been ceded by the people that would never be returned. Pompey stayed in the Middle East for six years, establishing puppet regimes throughout the region, and turning himself into the richest man in the empire.

Those of us who are not Americans can only look on in wonder at the similar ease with which the ancient rights and liberties of the individual are being surrendered in the United States in the wake of 9/11. The vote by the Senate on Thursday [2006] to suspend the right of habeas corpus for terrorism detainees, denying them their right to challenge their detention in court; the careful wording about torture...; the admissibility of evidence obtained in the United States without a search warrant; the licensing of the president to declare a legal resident of the United States an enemy combatant — all this represents an historic shift in the balance of power between the citizen and the executive

An intelligent, skeptical American would no doubt scoff at the thought that what has happened since 9/11 could presage the destruction of a centuries-old constitution; but then, I suppose, an intelligent, skeptical Roman in 68 B.C. might well have done the same.

In truth, however, the Lex Gabinia was the beginning of the end of the Roman republic. It set a precedent. Less than a decade later, Julius Caesar — the only man, according to Plutarch, who spoke out in favor of Pompey’s special command during the Senate debate — was awarded similar, extended military sovereignty in Gaul. Previously, the state, through the Senate, largely had direction of its armed forces; now the armed forces began to assume direction of the state.

It also brought a flood of money into an electoral system that had been designed for a simpler, non-imperial era. Caesar, like Pompey, with all the resources of Gaul at his disposal, became immensely wealthy, and used his treasure to fund his own political faction. Henceforth, the result of elections was determined largely by which candidate had the most money to bribe the electorate. In 49 B.C., the system collapsed completely, Caesar crossed the Rubicon — and the rest, as they say, is ancient history.

It may be that the Roman republic was doomed in any case. But the disproportionate reaction to the raid on Ostia unquestionably hastened the process, weakening the restraints on military adventurism and corrupting the political process. It was to be more than 1,800 years before anything remotely comparable to Rome’s democracy — imperfect though it was — rose again.

The Lex Gabinia was a classic illustration of the law of unintended consequences: it fatally subverted the institution it was supposed to protect. Let us hope that vote in the United States Senate does not have the same result.

- 9/30/06 - Pirates of the Mediterranean, by Robert Harris, Commentary, NY Times

For more info: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lex_Gabinia

freedom-maniac
01-12-2008, 10:12 PM
"For as long as I live, I shall be my own master," Julius Caesar.