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Hoot
06-10-2009, 10:05 PM
State Rights and the Tenth Amendment


The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

These are the words of the tenth amendment of the constitution of the United States. The U.S. constitution, which happens to be the shortest in history, was penned with the intent of limiting the powers of the federal government and preserving the individual liberties of the people. However, over the course of the last 222 years, the federal government has taken an ever increasing role in the lives of American citizens, far beyond what was intended by the framers of the constitution. Through perverse "interpretations", the powers that be have twisted the republic our forefathers envisioned into an all encompassing power leaning ever closer to despotism.

Our founding fathers sought to create a system of government that protected the liberty of individuals. Article one, section eight of the constitution, specifically deals with the powers granted to congress. They are, as our forefathers put it, "few and defined". The powers granted to congress deal with national issues which include: currency, the military, to lay and collect taxes. So how is it that Congress is passing legislation that deals with our personal lives, what we can or cannot put into our bodies, how we run our businesses, or who we can or cannot marry? These are personal, not national, issues. The question we must ask ourselves is how is Congress getting away with this?

Through the misinterpreted Interstate “Commerce Clause” and to a lesser extent the General Welfare Clause, Congress has forced their way into nearly every aspect of our lives. In Article one, section eight, the first line states "The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties,...pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense and general Welfare of the United States... “If you were to read on, the third line states "To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes." Congress, in tandem with the Supreme Court, has used these two lines to overextend the power granted to them by the Constitution.

Overreaching and overspending are not a recent phenomenon. Even our founders struggled with the dilemma of spending to improve the nation while staying within the confines of the Constitution. Both Jefferson and Madison entertained the idea of building roads through federal sponsorship. However, being strict constructionists, they knew this authority was not delegated to the federal government and an amendment would have to be enacted in order to proceed. In 1817, Madison himself was presented with the Bonus Bill, a bill which would have allocated money to the Federal government for the construction of roads and canals. He vetoed it. Despite the fact that he was in support of the bill's goals on a personal level, he could not allow such a deviation from the original intent of both the Interstate Commerce clause and the General Welfare Clause to be permitted.
In his response to the bill he wrote, “ ‘The power to regulate commerce among the several States’ cannot include a power to construct roads and canals, and to improve the navigation of water courses in order to facilitate, promote, and secure such commerce without a latitude of construction departing from the ordinary import of the terms strengthened by the known inconveniences which doubtless led to the grant of this remedial power to Congress...To refer the power in question to the clause ‘to provide for common defense and general welfare’ would be contrary to the established and consistent rules of interpretation, as rendering the special and careful enumeration of powers which follow the clause nugatory and improper. Such a view of the Constitution would have the effect of giving to Congress a general power of legislation instead of the defined and limited one hitherto understood to belong to them, the terms ‘common defense and general welfare’ embracing every object and act within the purview of a legislative trust..."

Essentially what Madison is saying here is that the terms “Interstate Commerce” and “General Welfare” are only used to explain why Congress was delegated the powers enumerated by the constitution and are not to be interpreted as separate powers in addition to the aforementioned, and to do so would grant Congress unlimited powers well beyond what the framers intended.

Now it is not only common place, but the accepted norm, that it is the authority of Congress and position of government to oversee every aspect of life in the name of "general welfare". In the federalist papers James Madison writes "The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State." Could the intent of our founders be any clearer?

While the ill conceived programs such as Social Security, Medi-care, bailouts, and educational funding may be well meaning, they are illegal. None of these fall under the powers delegated to Congress and no amendments have been made to grant this authority. Federal laws on gun licensing, substance control and industry regulation are illegal as well. These are matters which were meant to be left to the states. When it comes to reining in this overreaching, there have been few, if any, times that the Supreme Court has not sided with Congress. This puts the American public at great risk, as it is the Supreme Court’s role to interpret our Constitution. If we cannot count on them to adhere to the vision our Founding Fathers had, who can we turn to?

Finally states have had enough of this Illegal government interference. To date, thirty-five states have declared their sovereignty. While this is a great start, it is not nearly enough. States need to begin refusing federal aid for matters that are the states' or individual's responsibilities. Recently, South Carolina’s Governor, Mark Sanford, refused $700 million in stimulus money. A federal judge has ordered him to take the money stating that "He (the Governor) did not have the authority to refuse." This is because he stood alone in his fight to shake off the yoke of federal funding, but if every state stood in solidarity, refusing federal funds, and by extension federal intrusion, it would send a clear and undeniable message of enough is enough. This is the only way to put credibility behind the states’ declarations of sovereignty. Granted it's not easy to refuse free money, but it's not really free is it? It was exchanged for state and individual freedoms. After all, what is Liberty if it is not the right to choose?

Bill Morgan
Liberty Unleashed
http://www.libertyunleashed.com

LittleLightShining
06-11-2009, 02:33 AM
A few local C4L members, myself included, and some representatives from other groups, will be working on drafting a resolution for VT over the summer. It needs to have teeth but be passable in what is probably the most socialist state in the union. VT will not give up any federal money. The legislature is too addicted and the governor is now officially irrelevant. In addition they are all complicit in violating the VT Constitution. What I'd like to see, because I think it might work, is a refusal to send VT money to Washington. I'm pretty sure Colorado has a provision like that.

acptulsa
06-11-2009, 05:35 AM
Well, I was about to post this in the Oklahoma subforum when I saw this thread. For those who haven't been following it, Oklahoma's resolution passed both houses of the legislature under the tutiledge mainly of Charles Key and Randy Brogdon, but Gov. Brad Henry was unkind enough to veto it. Since then, it was passed again as a non-binding resolution by both houses.

Now, we are asking Oklahoma citizens to sign this petition so we can let Gov. Henry know if he's in touch with we, the people or not:

http://www.oktenth.com/petition/

If you're an Oklahoma resident, please sign! And if you aren't, there it is--use it as a model for efforts in your own state if you like it!

Hoot
06-12-2009, 01:17 PM
Amazing how most people don't know the constitution and do not understand state rights or individual rights. I am glad we have a forum like this, it is great not to feel alone!

Hoot
Liberty Unleashed
http://www.libertyunleashed.com

Theocrat
06-12-2009, 01:33 PM
Here is another article about the 10th Amendment which I read a few days ago from "The American Vision's" website (http://www.americanvision.org/article/the-10th-amendment-and-ratification-of-the-constitution/):

Humanly speaking, the authority of our Constitution is not based on the authority of the people of the nation or the Union but upon the authority of the people of the respective states. Sen. Daniel Webster to the contrary not withstanding, the Constitution’s Preamble’s opening phrase, “We the people of the United States,” did not mean, and was not intended to mean, the people of the United States as a united whole—as Federalist advocates of ratification of the Constitution had to admit again and again during the various states’ debates on ratification of the Constitution.

The evidence on this is quite clear despite the fact that it is seldom taught in our schools and colleges. Our War for Independence was fought to achieve the independence of the thirteen colonies—not of “a new nation,” as Lincoln, who sought to re-found our nation based on a particular reading of the Declaration, claimed. Our Declaration of Independence manifestly proclaimed the independence not of “a new nation” but of those thirteen “free and independent” states. The Articles of Confederation, our first constitution, was framed by representatives of those thirteen states then ratified by the legislatures of those same states. The Articles united those states under a national legislature but in a confederation which, by definition and design left each state free to govern itself. Our Constitution was framed by representatives of those thirteen independent states—who voted as states, not as individual representatives, nor as a national majority constituted of the majority of the representatives present in the Philadelphia Convention. The finished Constitution was sent not to an election of the people of the whole United States but to the individual states for ratification. Without being ratified, of course, the Constitution could not have had the authority to function as law, much less as our fundamental law.

The Constitution was ratified by those states as states. In each state a special session of the state’s legislature or a special state ratification convention with delegates chosen by the people the various districts of the state discussed and debated the document and its various provisions, voted, and determined whether or not to ratify the Constitution. As Madison said in Federalist No. 39, “ratification is to be given by the people, not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” And, “Each State, in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.”

So our Constitution was framed by representatives of the states who voted as states, and was ratified by representative bodies chosen by the people of each state. The people of the nation, as such, had no part in either of these legal activities.

The process of ratification by the states made each state which ratified the Constitution the party to a covenant or compact. That compact was a covenant among the respective states and their peoples, not between the peoples of the several states tand the people of the whole nation.

In that compact the people of the several states delegated a small part of the authority of their respective states to the new central government established by the Constitution. In that compact the people of the states also forbade the states to exercise certain specific powers. But that was all. They neither delegated more authority and powers to the central government nor denied their states the authority to exercise additional powers.

The fundamental law established by the Constitution did not obliterate authority of the civil governments of the states which formed the Union. Nor did the Constitution give the central/national government established by that document the authority to meddle with the corporate identities of the peoples of the states. The Constitution was plainly not intended to do either. As Madison said in Federalist No. 39, although the operation of the powers which the central government does have is national, the extent of its powers are not. In the extent of its powers “the proposed government cannot be deemed a national one; since its jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.”

The states’ documents stating their ratification of the Constitution provide powerful testimony to their intention to keep the central government within its constitutional bounds, retain their own non-delegated powers, and reserve their right to defend their people’s inherited ways and liberty against central government injustice or tyranny. At least three of the states—Virginia, New York, and Rhode Island—in their ratification documents made it clear that they had the right to take back the powers which they had delegated to the central government whenever those powers were perverted by the central government or whenever it should become “necessary to their happiness.” Those states ratification documents also guarded against self-interested misconstruction of the Constitution’s wording to imply that Congress is entitled to any powers not stated in the Constitution.

These states’ intention was to protect the reserved powers of the states—each state’s authority to govern itself—as much as to limit the powers of the central government. New York’s ratification instrument stated it plainly: “that every Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by the said Constitution clearly delegated to the Congress of the United States, or the departments of the Government thereof, remains to the People of the several States, or to their respective State Governments to whom they may have granted the same…”

This, of course, is the essential idea of the Tenth Amendment: protection of the powers which the states had neither delegated to the national government nor forbidden to themselves in the Constitution; prevention of both the usurpation of these powers by the central government and the denial of these powers to the states by the central government. The power of this concept explains why what became the Tenth Amendment was added to the Constitution. The people of the states whose representatives framed and ratified the Constitution insisted that the authority of their states to govern their own internal affairs, and the powers necessary to accomplish that end, remain in the hands of their respective state governments.

Thus the ratification of the Constitution clarifies both the principles of what became our Tenth Amendment and the intensity with which Americans embraced the principles of that great amendment.