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Truth Warrior
08-13-2008, 04:04 PM
Who Was Edward M. House?


by Robert Higgs (http://www.lewrockwell.com/higgs/mailto:RHiggs2377@aol.com)



Edward M. House, a man now almost completely forgotten, was one of the most important Americans of the twentieth century. Given that most high school seniors do not know (http://americanaffairs.suite101.com/article.cfm/us_students_get_a_d_in_history) that the War Between the States was fought sometime between 1850 and 1900, we cannot reasonably expect many people to recognize his name today, much less to know anything about him. I suspect that scarcely anyone except a smattering of history teachers and a few history mavens can accurately state why House was an important figure in U.S. history. Yet he arguably had a greater impact on the past century than all but a handful of other actors.

Political history tends to be written primarily with reference to formal state leaders – pharaohs, caesars, kings, prime ministers, presidents, and their most notable civilian and military officers. Yet probably at all times and places, much less prominent individuals have exerted potent influence out of the limelight or completely behind the scenes. I have long been interested in what we might call the general theory of gray eminence and in leading examples of the genus. The typical American now knows little or nothing, for example, about Bernard M. Baruch (http://www.amazon.com/Speculator-Bernard-Baruch-Washington-1917-1965/dp/0807813966), John J. McCloy (http://www.amazon.com/CHAIRMAN-MCCLOY-MAKING-AMERICAN-ESTABLISHMENT/dp/0671454153), Clark Clifford (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clark_Clifford), and David Rockefeller (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Rockefeller), although each of these men played a powerful role in shaping the world in which we now live. I do not mean to suggest that all such unofficial movers and shakers are rich and use their wealth as the key that admits them to the inner sanctums of official power. Some, such as House, were not outrageously rich, and some who were, such as Baruch, had great influence not simply because of their wealth, although having great gobs of money at one's disposal certainly never hurts when one sets out to cultivate so-called statesmen.

Edward Mandell House (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_M._House) (1858–1938) grew up in Houston, Texas. His father, Thomas William House, an English immigrant who had made a fortune as a blockade runner during the War Between the States, died the third-richest man in the state in 1880, leaving to his children an estate valued at $500,000. Edward managed his share of the inheritance astutely, even though he spent much of his time engaged in politics―never running for elective office or seeking an appointive one, but helping other men to gain office and make policy. Though a sickly man and certainly not a flamboyant one, he had a flair for making friends who appreciated his discretion, respected his views, and valued his counsel. This talent for winning friends and influencing people would remain the basis of his remarkable achievements in politics throughout his life. He was, in today's lingo, a very smooth operator, appreciated all the more because he clearly had no desire to displace the king he had just helped to place on the throne. The power he sought was the power behind the throne.

By 1910, House was seeking a new, wider stage for his political activities. He had played an important part in getting four governors elected in Texas and in guiding their policies in office―the first of them, Jim Hogg, had given him the entirely honorific title of Colonel, by which he was known thereafter―but he was losing interest in the local scene.

After maintaining a residence in Austin since 1886, he took an apartment in New York City in 1902. He also spent a good deal of time in the summers at a rented house on the shore near Boston, and in Europe. Wherever he went, doors were opened to him, and he and his wife Loulie entertained actively in return. The range of his friendships, acquaintances, and social connections was extraordinary. His biographer Godfrey Hodgson reports:

His diary records meals with Henry James, Edith Wharton, and Rudyard Kipling, as well as with the virtuoso pianist Ignazy Jan Paderewski, who became president of Poland. He mingled with politicians, generals, bankers, academics, journalists, and society hostesses in New York, Paris, and London. He knew J. P. Morgan Jr. well enough to call him "Jack," and he dined with Henry Clay Frick in the house that became his great art museum. (Woodrow Wilson's Right Hand (http://www.amazon.com/Woodrow-Wilsons-Right-Hand-Colonel/dp/0300092695/lewrockwell/), p. 9)1 (http://lewrockwell.printthis.clickability.com/pt/cpt?action=cpt&title=Who+Was+Edward+M.+House%3F+by+Robert+Higgs&expire=&urlID=30319305&fb=Y&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.lewrockwell.com%2Fhiggs%2Fhig gs86.html&partnerID=10#ref)
Not a bad showing for a man who had left Cornell before graduating and whose annual income ranged only from $20,000 to $25,000 (approximately $450,000 to $560,000 in today's dollars).

In 1911, he spied what he took to be a potentially rising star to which he might hitch his idle political wagon, a man with no prior experience as a politician until his election as governor of New Jersey in November 1910. Woodrow Wilson (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Woodrow_Wilson) (1856–1924) had been, except for a brief stint as a fledgling lawyer, a lifelong academic; he spent his life prior to 1910 as a student, professor, and university administrator, serving from 1902 to 1910 as president of Princeton University, an office in which he gained a well-deserved reputation for his self-righteous refusal to compromise. After Wilson's election as governor, a number of Democrats began to tout him as the party's next candidate for the presidency, and in the winter of 1910–11, House decided to join this movement, "to do what I could to further Governor Wilson's fortunes" (56).

House played an important role as campaign strategist and intra-party peacemaker in 1911 and 1912, and he deserves part of the credit for getting Wilson first the nomination and then the presidency. Of course, the principal person responsible for Wilson's election was Theodore Roosevelt, whose insatiable craving for power had led him to bolt the Republican Party and run as a Progressive Party (Bull Moose) candidate, thereby splitting the opposition to Wilson and ensuring a Democratic victory. House played a more important role after Wilson's election, because the president-elect had little interest in the nuts and bolts of party politics, including the distribution of patronage and the selection of men for cabinet and other high-level positions, and he left these decisions largely in House's hands. Wilson offered House himself any cabinet position he wanted, except secretary of state, which had been reserved for William Jennings Bryan, but House declined, preferring to work in the shadows as the president's most trusted advisor.

In this capacity, House quickly developed an extraordinarily intimate relationship with the president as political advisor, personal confidant, and frequent social companion. He engaged actively in the extended politicking that ultimately led to passage of the Federal Reserve Act, and in the ticklish matter of U.S. relations with Mexico, then in the throes of violent revolution. As war clouds began to gather over Europe, House, with Wilson's approval, undertook to head off hostilities by bringing about an understanding among the three greatest powers, the United States, Great Britain, and Germany, making them jointly the guarantors of world peace. He met with Kaiser Wilhelm II and with British foreign secretary Sir Edward Grey, among others, to work up interest in the plan, but this attempt at preemptive reconciliation obviously never came to fruition.

During the war, House actively engaged in efforts to bring the fighting to an end. He shared Wilson's view that the most desirable outcome would be one that left the postwar world drastically reshaped in a way that eliminated or greatly diminished militarism, promoted national self-determination, spread democracy, left the United States standing astride the international political system, and brought about Wilson's recognition as the world's savior. In short, House shared Wilson's peculiar megalomania and undertook to make its main objective a reality. At the same time, House, ever the practical deal-maker and compromiser, understood that the United States could not simply impose its will on the world and that the Americans would have to yield other powerful nations, especially Great Britain and France, some of the prizes they sought to gain from the war. As Hodgson writes, both "Wilson and House were willing to bargain territories and populations for the particular peace they wanted" (106), even if they had to sacrifice "national self-determination" along the way.

After the war began in 1914, Wilson proclaimed that the United States would remain neutral in word and deed, but Wilson and House's natural inclination was to favor the British, and as various provocations by both sides ensued, the president and his right-hand man dealt with them in a fashion that tilted the United States increasingly toward frank support of the Allies and opposition to the Central Powers. As early as the Lusitania's sinking in May 1915, House advised Wilson that Americans could "no longer remain neutral spectators" (109), but Wilson moved toward war more hesitantly. When secretary of state Bryan refused to abandon honest neutrality, sensibly holding the British starvation blockade of Germany to be as reprehensible as the German torpedoing of (arms carrying) passenger liners, he was pushed out of the government and replaced by Robert Lansing, From the outset, however, Lansing was allowed little real discretion, and House acted as the de facto foreign minister. A joke went around in Washington:

Question: How do you spell Lansing?
Answer: H-O-U-S-E.
House began to preach "preparedness," which meant building up a great U.S. army and navy. Hodgson writes: "While the president dreamed of saving the world, House was beginning to contemplate the implications for the American state of being a world power. In this activity between 1915 and 1917 it is not fanciful to see a first, sketchy draft of what would become the national security state" (113). Although House continued his efforts to bring the warring parties to a truce, he admitted early in 1916 that "in spite of all he was doing, a break with Germany could not be averted but only deferred" (115). According to French foreign minister Jules Cambon, House told him in February 1916 that U.S. entry into the war on the Allied side was inevitable and awaited only a serviceable incident that would cause the American people to rally behind the president's call for war (116). Needless to say, a peacemaker who is already resigned to war can scarcely hope to bring about peace, and indeed House's efforts failed to halt the massive, pointless bloodletting in Europe.

In 1916, when Wilson ran for reelection, House played a much greater role than he had played in the campaign in 1912. He had "no official role in the campaign, yet he planned its structure; set its tone; guided its finance; chose speakers, tactics, and strategy; and, not least, handled the campaign's greatest asset and greatest potential liability: its brilliant but temperamental candidate" (126). After campaigning on the slogan "He kept us out of war," Wilson narrowly won a closely contested election.

Shortly after beginning his second term, however, Wilson asked Congress for a declaration of war. We may properly attribute a substantial share of the credit (or blame) for this action to House's subtle and persistent efforts to move the president toward it during the preceding two years. As House confided to his diary, he had worked from the start of his relationship with Wilson to influence him in a certain direction: "I began with him before he became President and I have never relaxed my efforts. At every turn, I have stirred his ambition to become the great liberal leader of the world" (139). In Wilson, a man whose grotesquely swollen conception of his own importance had few equals, House's teachings had encountered a highly receptive pupil.

Once the United States became a declared belligerent, the prospect of an Allied victory increased greatly, and House occupied himself actively not only in engineering a way to end the fighting, but also in planning the contours of the postwar world. Like Wilson, House "believe that the war had been imposed on the peoples of Europe by the monarchies and their aristocracies" (150), and therefore both men maintained that a postwar settlement should include, among other things, the destruction of the German and Austro-Hungarian empires and the creation of a number of new, democratic states in central Europe. To fill in the details of this vision, Wilson asked House to assemble a group of experts. The resulting project was known as the Inquiry, and the plan it created became the basis for Wilson's Fourteen Points and for his principal proposals at the Versailles conference. The Inquiry ultimately placed 126 scholars on its payroll. Although each of them had substantial credentials, hardly any of them was expert on European politics – a shortcoming that helped to doom the president's dealings with the likes of David Lloyd George and Georges Clemenceau at Versailles. Indeed, as one ponders this big committee's hubristic attempt to redraw the map of large parts of Europe and other regions, such as the Middle East, F. A. Hayek's idea of the "pretense of knowledge" (http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/1974/hayek-lecture.html) springs to mind:

Few [members of the Inquiry] had any detailed knowledge of, for example, the disputed frontiers of Romania, Hungary, or Bulgaria, still less of the history and ethnography of Poland or the Ottoman Empire. One who was assigned to work on Italy confessed later that he was "handicapped by a lack of knowledge of Italian." . . . [W]hen it came to what we would now call the Middle East, the Inquiry more or less gave up. (160)
Is it any wonder, then, that the arrangements made at Versailles for the Middle East proved to be the source of what has aptly been called "a peace to end all peace" (http://www.amazon.com/Peace-End-All-Creating-1914-1922/dp/0805008578/ref=ed_oe_h) and that almost a century later the world continues to pay a horrible price for the statesmen's bungling in 1919?

House contributed probably more than anyone else to the formulation of Wilson's Fourteen Points, which served as the understanding that led the Germans to silence their guns in November 1918. On the night of January 5, 1918, Wilson and House sat down together at 10:30 to sketch out a major speech by Wilson on his vision for a postwar settlement. Two hours later, they had, as House wrote in his diary, "finished remaking the map of the world" (165). When Wilson delivered his speech, however, he "conspicuously ignored complexities the Inquiry had recognized" (167). (Of course, politicians always ignore complexities; if they didn't, they wouldn't last long as politicians.) Later, after the Treaty of Versailles (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Versailles) had been hammered out―and Wilson's amateurish attempt at direct diplomacy hammered pretty severely in the process―the Germans justly complained that they had been hoodwinked into the Armistice by Wilson's promise to make the Fourteen Points the basis of a postwar settlement. As Englishman Harold Nicolson wrote,

It is difficult to resist the impression that the Enemy Powers accepted the Fourteen Points as they stood; whereas the Allied Powers accepted them only as interpreted by Colonel House. . . . Somewhere, amid the hurried and anxious imprecisions of those October [1918] days, lurks the explanation of the fundamental misunderstanding which has since arisen. (190)
And what a momentous misunderstanding it was! Even James Brown Scott, a legal expert in the U.S. delegation, said of the ultimate treaty that "the statesmen have . . . made a peace that renders another war inevitable" (243). In light of this history, we might credit House with having made an important contribution to ending the fighting in 1918―and to establishing the preconditions for its resumption in 1939.

House and three others joined Wilson himself to compose the five-man American delegation to the high-level negotiations at Versailles that began in December 1918. House shared Wilson's vision of a League of Nations, and at the conference he did as much as anyone to make this vision a reality, albeit one born with a congenital defect, owing to the ultimate U.S. refusal to join it. Twenty-six years later, the creation of the United Nations, a second try at the establishment of an international peace-keeping league, may therefore be traced in part to back to House.

When Wilson departed France in mid-February 1919, he left House at the conference "to act in his place and with his full confidence" (215). In the president's absence, House proceeded to do what he had been doing successfully for decades: he made deals, compromising where necessary to gain the other parties' agreement and creating the best possible arrangements he could make in an extremely complex and challenging situation. Although House kept Wilson informed as he went along, the president seems not to have fully comprehended what House was agreeing to in France. When he returned to Versailles in mid-March and absorbed the details, he reacted with dismay to what he viewed as the betrayal of his high ideals for the settlement. Although House continued to negotiate specific matters at Versailles, he never again acted as the chief U.S. delegate, and the intimate relationship between House and Wilson quickly dissolved: "their friendship never recovered from the events of February and March 1919. It ended in bitterness and mutual incomprehension, with grave consequences for both of them and ultimately―it really is no exaggeration to say―for the peace of the world" (217). After the Germans signed the treaty in June, House saw the president off for his return voyage to the United States. Their conversation on that occasion was the last they would ever have.

"Wilson's entourage [consisting of his wife Edith, his personal physician Admiral Cary T. Grayson, his press secretary Ray Stannard Baker, and the kingmaker Bernard Baruch], then and for the rest of their lives, interpreted House's entirely intelligible and honorable diplomatic maneuvers as the blackest treason" (225). Edith Wilson, whom the widowed president had married in 1915, had disliked House from the beginning. She evidently resented him because of the intimacy he shared with her new husband. After the president became incapacitated by a major stroke in September 1919, Edith, besides acting as de facto president of the United States for much of the remainder of his term, made sure that no communication from House reached the bedridden Wilson. For years the two men had been so close that Wilson trusted House to speak for him, confident that his own thoughts would be expressed precisely. "Mr. House," the president had once said, "is my second personality. He is my independent self. His thoughts and mine are one" (6). But now House found himself completely cut off. It is a dangerous thing to disappoint a vainglorious and vindictive man, but no less dangerous to vex his ruthless, scheming wife.

House lived another twenty years after the war. He continued to circulate in the highest circles in the United States, especially among the movers and shakers of the Democratic Party, and in Europe, but he never again exercised the kind of influence he had exercised from 1912 to 1919 by virtue of his close association with Woodrow Wilson. He went to considerable lengths to tell his side of the story and to vindicate his actions, while Edith Wilson and the other members of Wilson's entourage continued to demonize the erstwhile gray eminence and to blame him for the president's postwar failures. House still traveled in style and socialized with European aristocrats and American plutocrats. He was, in Hodgson's expression, "a grandee on a world scale" (263). He never publicly criticized Woodrow Wilson, and even in private, where he did criticize, he always professed loyalty. When Wilson died in 1924, House wished to attend the funeral, but Bernard Baruch told him that he would not be admitted. After advising Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1920s and early 1930s, House became a peripheral figure in the Brains Trust in 1932 and 1933 and contributed to Roosevelt's election as president. Only in his final few years did he finally withdraw into his private affairs.


He never became bitter. In old age, he developed greater infirmities and grew tired of living, but he was satisfied that he had played a significant role in great events. As he said, "My hand has been on things" (272). Indeed, it had been―to a degree that, in our day, very few Americans appreciate.
Henceforth, all parenthetical page numbers not otherwise identified may be assumed to come from this source.

August 12, 2008




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Robert Higgs [send him mail (http://www.lewrockwell.com/higgs/mailto:RHiggs2377@aol.com)] is senior fellow in political economy at the Independent Institute (http://www.independent.org/) and editor of The Independent Review (http://www.independent.org/review.html). He is also a columnist for LewRockwell.com. His most recent book is Neither Liberty Nor Safety: Fear, Ideology, and the Growth of Government (http://www.amazon.com/Neither-Liberty-nor-Safety-Government/dp/1598130129/lewrockwell/). He is also the author of Depression, War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy (http://www.mises.org/store/Depression-War-and-Cold-War-P334C0.aspx?AFID=14), Resurgence of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 (http://www.mises.org/store/Resurgence-of-the-Warfare-State-The-Crisis-Since-911-P220C0.aspx?AFID=14)and Against Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society (http://www.mises.org/store/Against-Leviathan-P212C0.aspx?AFID=14).
Copyright © 2008 Robert Higgs


http://www.lewrockwell.com/higgs/higgs86.html

LibertyEagle
08-13-2008, 04:16 PM
http://www.jbs.org/images/stories/Article_Images/edwardmandellhouse.jpg

Edward Mandell House

Edward Mandell House"Through all the rough-and-tumble of Texas politics House sustained a vision of ideal government. In 1911 he took interest in finding a candidate for the presidential election of 1912 who could be depended on to work for the causes in which he believed. These causes he had endorsed by writing an anonymous novel, Philip Dru: Administrator, in which his fictitious hero, making himself a benign dictator, abolished protective tariffs, set up a system for social security, and arranged for the representation of labor on corporate boards and for a sharing of profits among the workers. Moreover, he imposed a graduated income tax, and developed a banking system that presaged the Federal Reserve; and he united the Great Powers of the world in a league for collective security"

-- From The Historical Signifigance of the House Diary, Yale Library

The "ideal government" described in Philip Dru, was "socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx" with "a spiritual leavening." Woodrow Wilson, the presidential candidate of 1912 who House helped bring to power, refered to House as his "alter ego." After the failure of the US to join other "Great Powers" in the League of Nations, House went on to become a founder of the Council of Foreign Relations.
http://www.jbs.org/index.php/evinces-a-design/1696-edward-mandell-house

lucius
08-13-2008, 04:54 PM
Douglas Reed has some insight as well:

THE AMBITION OF MR. HOUSE

While Mr. Balfour and his associates in this still secret enterprise moved towards power in England
during the First World War, a similar group of men secretly took shape in the American Republic. The
political machine they built produced its full result nearly fifty years later, when President Truman in effect set
up the Zionist state in Palestine.

In 1900 Americans still clung to their "American dream", and the essence of it was to avoid "foreign
entanglements". In fact the attack on Spain in Cuba in 1898 had already separated them from this secure
anchorage, and the mysterious origins of that little war are therefore of continuing interest. The American
public was caused to explode in warlike frenzy, in the familiar way, when it was told that the Maine was blown
up in Havana harbour by a Spanish mine. When she was raised, many years later, her plates were found to
have been blown out by an inner explosion (but by then "the mob" had long lost interest in the matter).

The effect of the Spanish-American war (continuing American "entanglement" in the affairs of others)
lent major importance to the question: who was to exercise the ruling power in America, for the nature of any
"entanglements" clearly depended on that. The answer to this question, again, was governed by the effect of
an earlier war, the American Civil War of 1861-1865. The chief consequences of it (little comprehended by
the contending Northerners and Southerners) was sensibly to change the nature, first of the population, and
next of the government of the Republic.

Before the Civil War the American population was predominantly Irish, Scots-Irish, Scottish, British,
German and Scandinavian, and from this amalgam a distinctly "American" individual evolved. In the direct
sequence to that war the era of unrestricted immigration began, which in a few decades brought to America
many millions of new citizens from Eastern and Southern Europe. These included a great mass of Jews from
the Talmudic areas of Russia and Russian Poland. In Russia the rabbinate had stood between them and
"assimilation" and this continued when they reached America. Thus the 20th Century, at its start, threw up
the question, what part would their leaders acquire in the political control of the Republic and of its foreign
undertakings. The later events showed that the Eastern conspiracy, in both its forms, entered America
through this mass-immigration. The process of acquiring an ever-increasing measure of political power
began, behind the scenes, about 1900 and was to become the major issue of American national life in the
ensuing fifty years.

The man who first involved America in this process was a Mr. Edward Mandell House (popularly
known as Colonel House, but he had no military service), a Southern gentleman, chiefly of Dutch and
English descent, who grew up inTexas during the bitter Reconstruction period that followed the Civil War.
He is a remarkable character in this tale. As other connoisseurs might exult in the
[232] taste of rare brandy, he loved the secret exercise of power through others, and candidly confided this to
his diary. He shunned publicity (says his editor, Mr. Charles Seymour) "from a sardonic sense of humour
which was tickled by the thought that he, unseen and often unsuspected, without great wealth or office,
merely through the power of personality and good sense, was actually deflecting the currents of history". Few men
have wielded so much power in complete irresponsibility: "it is easy enough for one without responsibility to sit
down over a cigar and a glass of wine and decide what is best to be done", wrote Mr. House.

His editor's choice of words is exact; Mr. House did not guide American State policy, but deflected it
towards Zionism, the support of the world-revolution, and the promotion of the world-government ambition.
The fact of his exercise of secret power is proven. His motives for exercizing it in those directions are hard to
discover, for his thoughts (as revealed by his diary and his novel) appear to have been so confused and
contradictory that no clear picture emerges from them.

His immense daily record of his secret reign (the Private Papers) fully exposed how he worked. It leaves
unanswered the question of what he ultimately wanted, or if he even knew what he wanted; as to that, his
novel shows only a mind full of half-baked demagogic notions, never clearly thought out. The highfalutin
apostrophe on the flyleaf is typical: "This book is dedicated to the unhappy many who have lived and died
lacking opportunity, because, in the starting, the worldwide social structure was wrongly begun"; apparently
this means that Mr. House, who held himself to be a religious man, thought poorly of the work of an earlier
authority, described in the words, "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth".

In the search for the origins of Mr. House's political ideas (which at first were akin to Communism; in
later life, when the damage was done, he became more moderate) the student is cast on significant clues. His
editor finds in his early thought a note "reminiscent of Louis Blanc and the revolutionaries of 1848". With this in
mind I earlier directed the readers attention to Louis Blanc, the French revolutionary who for a moment, in
1848, seemed likely to play Lenin's part and summoned the assembly of workers' delegates which was an
anticipation of the 1917 Soviets.

Such notions, in a Texan of the late 19th Century, are as unexpected as Buddhism in an Eskimo.
Nevertheless, Mr. House in youth acquired these ideas; someone had implanted them in him. His middle
name, Mandell, was that of "a Jewish merchant in Houston, who was one of his father's most intimate
friends; the fact that the elder House conferred a Jewish name upon his son indicates the family's attitude towards
the race" (Mr. Arthur D. Howden, his biographer). In Mr. House's novel the hero refuses all preferment to go
and live in a humble East Side room with a Polish Jew, come to America after anti-Jewish disturbances in
Warsaw caused by the murder there, by "a young Jew, baited beyond endurance", of the son of a high
government official. In later life Mr. House's
[233] brother-in-law and counsellor was a Jew, Dr. Sidney Mezes, who was one of the initiators of this
century's world-government plan in its earliest form (The League to Enforce Peace).

That is about all that can be elicited about the intellectual atmosphere of Mr. House's mind-formative
period. In one of his most revealing passages Mr. House himself comments on the suggestion of ideas to
others and shows, apparently without realizing it, how powerless he ultimately was, who thought himself allpowerful:
"With the President, as with all other men I sought to influence, it was invariably my intention to
make him think that ideas he derived from me were his own. . . Usually, to tell the truth, the idea was not original
with me. . . The most difficult thing in the world is to trace any idea to its source . . . We often think an idea to be original
with ourselves when, in plain truth, it was subconsciously absorbed from someone else".

He began to learn about politics in Texas when he was only eighteen, then discerning during a
presidential election (1876) that "two or three men in the Senate and two or three in the House and the
President himself ran the government. The others were merely figureheads . . . Therefore I had no ambition
to hold office, nor had I any ambition to speak". (He puts the same idea into the mouth of a politician in his
novel of 1912; "In Washington. . . I found that the government was run by a few men; that outside of this
little circle no one was of much importance. It was my ambition to break into it if possible and my ambition
now leaped so far as to want, not only to be of it, but later, to be IT . . . The President asked me to undertake
the direction of his campaign . . . He was overwhelmingly nominated and re-elected . . . and I was now well
within the charmed circle and within easy reach of my further desire to have no rivals. . . I tightened a nearly
invisible coil around the people, which held them fast. . . ")

In that spirit Mr. House entered Texan politics: "I began at the top rather than at the bottom. . . it has
been my habit to put someone else nominally at the head, so that I could do the real work undisturbed by the
demands which are made on a chairman . . . Each chairman of the campaigns which I directed received the
publicity and the applause of both the press and the people during the campaign . . . they passed out of public
notice within a few months . . . and yet when the next campaign came around, the public and the press as
eagerly accepted another figurehead".

Mr. House used Texas somewhat as a rising actor may use the provinces. He was so successful as a
party-organizer there that at the turn of the century he was the real ruler of the state and sat daily in the office
of its governor (appointed by Mr. House and long forgotten) at the State Capitol, where he chose State
senators and congressmen and handled the requests of the many office-holders who habitually besiege a State

governor. The provincial tour accomplished, he prepared to conquer the capital. By 1900 he was "tired of the
position I occupied in Texas" and was "ready to take part in national affairs". After further
[234] preparation he began, in 1910 as the First World War approached, "to look about for a proper candidate for
the Democratic nomination for President".

Thus Mr. House, aged fifty, was a president-maker. Until I read his Private Papers I was much impressed
by the "uncanny knowledge" displayed by a leading American Zionist, Rabbi Stephen Wise, who in 1910 told
a New Jersey audience: "On Tuesday Mr. Woodrow Wilson will be elected governor of your State; he will not
complete his term of office as governor; in November 1912 he will be eleeted President of the United States;
he will be inaugurated for the second time as president". This was fore-knowledge of the quality shown by
the Protocols, Leon Pinsker and Max Nordau, but further research showed that Rabbi Wise had it from
Colonel House!

Evidently Mr. Wilson had been closely studied by the group of secret men which then was coalescing,
for neither Mr. House nor Rabbi Wise at that moment had met him! But Mr. House "became convinced that
he had found his man, although he had never met him . . . 'I turned to Woodrow Wilson . . . as being the only
man. . . who in every way measured up to the office' " (Mr. Howden). The standard measurement used is
indicated by a later passage: "The trouble with getting a candidate for president is that the man that is best
fitted for the place cannot be nominated and, if nominated, could not be elected. The People seldom take the
best man fitted for the job; therefore it is necessary to work for the best man who can be nominated and
elected, and just now Wilson seems to be that man". (This description, again, is qualified by the allusion in
Mr. House's novel to the methods used by a powerful group to elect "its creature" to the presidency).

The Zionist idea coupled itself to the revolutionary idea, among the group of men which was secretly
selecting Mr. Woodrow Wilson for the presidency, in the person of this Rabbi Stephen Wise (born in
Budapest, like Herzl and Nordau). He was the chief Zionist organizer in America and as such still something
of a curiosity among the Jews of America, who at that time repudiated Zionism and distrusted the "Eastern
Jews". Until 1900, as Rabbi Wise says, Zionism in America was confined to the immigrant Jews from Russia,
who brought it with them from the Talmudic ghettoes there; the mass of American Jews were of German
origins and would have none of it. Between 1900 and 1910, a million new Jewish immigrants arrived from
Russia and under Zionist organization began to form an important body of voters; here was the link between
Mr. House (whose election-strategy will be described) and Rabbi Wise. Rabbi Wise, who was known chiefly
as a militant orator, if not an agitator, in labour questions, was not then a representative Jewish figure, and
nevertheless (like Dr. Weizmann in England) he was the man to whom the political potentates secretly gave
access and ear.

The strength of this secret group is shown by the fact that in 1910, when Mr. House had privately
decided that Mr. Wilson should be the next president, Rabbi
[235] Wise publicly proclaimed that he would be that, and for two terms. This called for a rearrangement of
the rabbi's politics, for he had always supported the Republican party; after Mr. House's secret selection of
Mr. Wilson, he changed to the Democratic one. Thus Mr. House's confused "revolutionary" ideas and
Zionism's perfectly clear ones arrived together on the doorstep of the White House. Agreement between the
group was cordial: Mr. Wise states that (after the election) "we received warm and heartening help from
Colonel House, close friend of the president. . . House not only made our cause the object of his very special concern but
served as liaison officer between the Wilson administration and the Zionist movement". The close parallel between the
course of these hidden processes in America and in England is here shown.

The secret of Mr. House's hold over the Democratic Party lay in the strategy which he had devised for
winning elections. The Democratic party had been out of office for nearly fifty unbroken years and he had
devised a method which made victory almost a mathematical certainty. The Democratic party was in fact to
owe its victories in 1912 and 1916, as well as President Roosevelt's and President Truman's victories in 1932,
1936, 1940, 1944 and 1948 to the application of Mr. House's plan. In this electoral plan, which in its field
perhaps deserves the name of genius, lies Mr. House's enduring effect on the life of America; his political
ideas were never clearly formed and were frequently changed, so that he forged an instrument whereby the
ideas of others were put into effect; the instrument itself was brilliantly designed.

In essence, it was a plan to gain the vote of the "foreign-born", the new immigrants, solidly for the
Democratic party by making appeal to their racial feelings and especial emotional reflexes. It was worked out
in great detail and was the product of a master hand in this particular branch of political science.

The unique, fantastic thing about this plan is that Mr. House published it, anonymously, in the very
year, 1912, when Mr. Wilson, secretly "chosen", was publicly nominated and elected. In that busy year Mr.

House found time to write, in thirty days, a novel called Philip Dru: Administrator (the unusual word recalls the
allusion in the Protocols to "The Administrators whom we shall choose …"). The chapter entitled "The
Making of a President", which is obviously not fiction, makes this almost unreadable novel a historical
document of the first importance.

In this chapter of his novel (which Mr. House was prompted to publish by his assiduous mentor, Dr.
Sidney Mezes) an American Senator called Selwyn is depicted as setting about to "govern the Nation with an
absolute hand, and yet not be known as the directing power". Selwyn is Mr. House. Apparently he could not
resist the temptation to give a clue to his identity, and he caused "Selwyn" to invite the man he selected as his
puppet-president ("Selwyn seeks a Candidate") to "dine with me in my rooms at the Mandell House".

Before that, Selwyn has devised "a nefarious plan", in concert with one John
[236] Thor, "the high priest of finance", whereby "a complete and compact organization", using "the most
infamous sort of deception regarding its real opinions and intentions", might "elect its creature to the Presidency". The
financing of this secret league was "simple". "Thor's influence throughout commercial America was absolute .
. . Thor and Selwyn selected the thousand" (millionaires) "that were to give each ten thousand dollars. . . Thor
was to tell each of them that there was a matter, appertaining to the general welfare of the business fraternity,
which needed twenty thousand dollars, and that he, Thor, would put up ten and wanted him to put up as
much. . . There were but few men of business. . . who did not consider themselves fortunate in being called
to New York by Thor and in being asked to join him in a blind pool looking to the safeguarding of wealth".
The money of this "great corruption fund" was placed by Thor in different banks, paid at request by Selwyn
to other banks, and from them transferred to the private bank of Selwyn's son-in-law; "the result was that the
public had no chance of obtaining any knowledge of the fund or how it was spent".

On this basis of finance Selwyn selects his "creature", one Rockland, (Mr. Wilson), who on dining with
Selwyn at "MandelI House" is told, that his responsibility as president will be "diffuse": "while a president has
a consitutional right to act alone, he has no moral right to act contrary to the tenets and traditions of his
party, or to the advice of the party leaders, for the country accepts the candidate, the party and the party advisers
as a whole and not severally" (the resemblance between this passage and the allusions in the Protocols to "the
responsibility of presidents" and the ultimate authority of their "advisers" is strong).

Rockland humbly agrees to this. (After the election, "drunk with power and the adulation of
sycophants, once or twice Rockland asserted himself, and acted upon important matters without having first
conferred with Selwyn. But, after he had been bitterly assailed by Selwyn's papers. . . he made no further attempts
at independence. He felt that he was utterly helpless in that strong man's hands, and so, indeed, he was". This
passage in Mr. House's novel of 1912, written before Mr. Wilson's inauguration, may be compared with one in
Mr. House's Private Papers of 1926, recording his actual relationship with the candidate during the election
campaign. It states that Mr. House edited the presidential candidate's speeches and instructed him not to
heed any other advice, whereon Mr. Wilson admitted indiscretions and promised "not to act independently in
future". In the novel Selwyn is shown as telling Thor of Rockland' s attempt to escape the thrall: "When he
told how Rockland had made an effort for freedom, and how he brought him back, squirming under his
defeat, they laughed joyously"; this chapter is called "The Exultant Conspirators").

lucius
08-13-2008, 04:55 PM
Cont:

Another chapter shows how the election of the "creature" was achieved. The
[237] plan described makes electioneering almost into an exact science and still governs electioneering in
America. It is based on Mr. House's fundamental calculation that about 80 percent of the electors would in
any circumstance whatever vote for one of the two opposed parties in roughly equal proportions, and that
expenditure of money and effort must therefore be concentrated on "the fluctuating 20 percent". Then it
analyzes this 20 percent in detail until the small residue is isolated, on which the utmost effort is to be bent.
Every ounce or cent of wasteful expenditure is eliminated and a mass of energy released to be directed against
the small body of voters who can sway the result. This plan has done so much to "deflect" the course of
events in America and the world that it needs to be summarized here at some length.

Selwyn begins the nomination campaign by eliminating all states where either his party or the other
was sure to win. In this way he is free to give his entire thought to the twelve doubtful States, upon whose
votes the election would turn. He divides these into units of five thousand voters, appointing for each unit a
man on the spot and one at national headquarters. He calculated that of the five thousand, four thousand, in
equal parts, probably could not be diverted from his own or the other party, and this brought his analysis
down to one thousand doubtful voters, in each unit of five thousand in twelve States, on whom to concentrate.
The local man was charged to obtain all possible information about their "race, religion, occupation and
former party ties", and to forward this to the national man in charge of the particular unit, who was then
responsible for reaching each individual by means of "literature, persuasion or perhaps by some more subtle

argument". The duty of the two agents for each unit, one in the field and one at headquarters, was between
them to "bring in a majority of the one thousand votes within their charge".

Meanwhile the managers of the other party were sending out "tons of printed matter to their State
headquarters, which, in turn, distributed it to the country organizations, where it was dumped into a corner
and given to visitors when asked for. Selwyn's committee used one-fourth as much printed matter, but it
went in a sealed envelope, along with a cordial letter, directed to a voter that had as yet not decided how to
vote. The opposition was sending speakers at great expense from one end of the country to the other . . .
Selwyn sent men into his units to personally persuade each of the one thousand hesitating voters to support
the Rockland ticket".

By means of this most skilful method of analysis, elimination and concentration Rockland, in the
novel, (and Mr. Wilson, in fact) was elected in 1912. The concentrated appeal to the "one thousand hesitating
voters" in each unit was especially directed to the "race, creed and colour" emotion, and the objects of
attention were evidently singled out with that in mind. "Thus Selwyn won and Rockland became the keystone
of the arch he had set out to build".

The remainder of the novel is unimportant but contains a few other significant
[238] things. Its sub-title is "A Story of Tomorrow, 1920-1935". The hero, Philip Dru, is a young West
Pointer under the influence of Karl Marx, who is elected leader of a mass movement by acclamation at an
indignation meeting after Selwyn's and Thor's conspiracy has become known. The manner of this exposure is
also interesting; Thor has a microphone concealed in his room (something little known in 1912 but today
almost as familiar in politics as the Statesman's Yearbook) and, forgetting to disconnect it, his "exultant" talk
with Selwyn after Rockland's election becomes known to his secretary, who gives it to the press; a most
implausible episode is that the press published it! Then Dru assembles an army (armed, apparently by magic,
with rifles and artillery), defeats the government forces at a single battle, marches on Washington, and
proclaims himself "Administrator of the Republic". His first major action (and President Wilson's) is to
introduce "a graduated income tax exempting no income whatsoever" (Karl Marx's Communist Manifesto
demanded "a heavy progressive or graduated income tax"; the Protocols, "a progressive tax on property").

Dru next attacks Mexico. and the Central American Republics, also defeating them in one battle and
thereafter uniting them under the American flag, which in the next chapter becomes also "the undisputed
emblem of authority" over Canada and the British, French and other Possessions in the West Indies. Selwyn
and Philip Dru are obviously both Mr. House. Selwyn is the superbly efficient party-organizer and secret
wielder of Power; Dru is the muddled "utopian dreamer" (the Protocols) who does not know what to do with
Power when he gets it. Inevitably, at the end, Mr. House did not know what to do with two characters who
were in truth one man, and was compelled to merge them, as it were, by making Selwyn, the original villain of
the piece, the confidant and bosom companion of Dru. After that, equally clearly, he did not know what to
do with Dru, short of having him chased off by bears. Therefore he put him on a ship bound for an
unknown destination with Gloria (a love-hungry girl who for fifty chapters has had to listen to Dru's
incoherent plans for remoulding the world), and concludes: "Happy Gloria! Happy Philip! . . . Where were
they bound? Would they return? These were the questions asked by all, but to which none could give
answer".

In fact hardly anybody can have persisted to the end of this novel, and nobody would have cared
where Philip and Gloria went, with one exception. There was one solitary being in the world for whom the
story must have held a meaning as terrible and true as Dorian Gray's Portrait for Dorian: Mr. Woodrow
Wilson. In that respect Philip Drew: Administrator is a unique work. Two questions haunt the student. Did Mr.
Wilson read it? What prompted Mr. House (or his prompter) to publish this exact picture of what was going
on at the very moment when "the creature" was being nominated and elected? Considered in that light the
book becomes a work of sadistic mockery, and the reader becomes aware that
[239] the group of men around Mr. House must have been as malevolent as they are depicted to be in the
chapter, "The Exultant Conspirators".

Is it conceivable that Mr. Wilson did not read it? Between his enemies and his friends, during an
election campaign, someone must have put it in his hands. The student of history is bound to wonder
whether the perusal of it, either then or later, may have caused the mental and physical state into which he
soon fell. A few contemporary descriptions of him may be given as illustration (although they anticipate the
chronology of the narrative a little). Mr. House later wrote of the man he had "chosen" and had elected ("the
only one who in every way measured up to the office"), "I thought at that time" (1914) "and on several
occasions afterwards, that the President wanted to die; certainly his attitude and his mental state indicated that
he found no zest in life". When Mr. Wilson had not long been president Sir Horace Plunkett, the British

Ambassador, wrote to Mr. House, "I paid my respects to the President, and was shocked to see him looking so
worn; the change since January last is terribly marked". Six years later Sir William Wiseman, a British
governmental emissary, told Mr, House, "I was shocked by his appearance . . . His face was drawn and of a
grey colour, and frequently twitching in a pitiful effort to control nerves which had broken down" (1919)*.

Apparently a sure way to unhappiness is to receive high office as the instrument of others who remain
unseen. Mr. Wilson inevitably looks wraithlike when contemplated against this record, now unfurled. Mr.
House, Rabbi Wise and others around him seem to have gazed on him as collectors might on a specimen
transfixed by a pin. In the circumstances, he must have been guided by guesswork, rather than by revelation,
when at the age of twenty he decided that he would one day be president. This was known and Rabbi Wise
once asked him, "When did you first think or dream of the presidency?" As the rabbi knew so much more
than the President of the way in which the dream had been realized, he may have spoken tongue in cheek,
and was evidently startled out of his customary deference when Mr. Wilson answered, "There never was a
time after my graduation from Davidson College in South Carolina when I did not expect to become
president", so that the rabbi asked sardonically, "Even when you were a teacher in a girls' college!" Mr.
Wilson, apparently still oblivious, repeated, "There never was a time when I did not expect and prepare
myself to become president".

Between Mr. Wilson's secret "choice" by Mr. House in 1910 and his public

"* Strong resemblances occur in contemporary descriptions of Mr. Roosevelt, whom Mr. House also believed that
he chose as a "figurehead". Mr. Robert E. Sherwood says with emphasis that Mr. Roosevelt was ever haunted "by the ghost
of Wilson", When Mr, Roosevelt had been president two years his party manager, Mr. James Farley, wrote, "The President
looked bad. . . face drawn and his reactions slow" (1935), and two years later he was "shocked at the President's appearance"
(1937). In 1943 Madame Chiang Kai-shek was "shocked by the President's looks"; in 1944, says Mr. Merriman Smith, "he
looked older than I have ever seen him and he made an irrelevant speech", and Mr. John T. Flynn says the President's
pictures "shocked the nation". In 1945 Miss Frances Perkins, a member of his cabinet, emerged from his office saying, "I
can't stand it, the President looks horrible"."

[240] nomination for president in 1912 he was prompted to make public obeisance to Zionism; at that point
the American people became involved, as the British people had in fact been committed by the Uganda offer
of 1903. Mr. Wilson, under coaching for the campaign, made a speech on "The rights of the Jews", in which
he said, "I am not here to express our sympathy with our Jewish fellow-citizens but to make evident our sense of
identity with them. This is not their cause; it is America's".

This could only have one meaning; it was a declaration of foreign policy, if Mr. Wilson were elected.
No need existed to "make evident the sense of identity" between Americans and Americans, and Jews in
America were in every respect free and equal; only a refusal to identify themselves with America could alter that
and Mr. Wilson in effect proclaimed this refusal. He was specifically stating that Jewish "identity" was
different and separate and that America, under him, would support this self-segregation as a cause.

To the initiates it was a pledge to Zionism. It was also an oblique allusion and threat to Russia, for the
implication of Mr. Wilson's words was that he recognized the Jews in Russia (who were then the only
organized Zionists) as representing all Jews. Thus he took the Balfourean part in the American production of
this drama.

At that time all the Zionist propaganda was directed against Russia. Some thirty years had passed since
the assassination of Czar Alexander II, who had incurred the enmity of the revolutionaries by his attempt to
introduce a parliamentary constitution (Dr. Kastein remarked that Jewish participation in the assassination
was "natural"). His successor, Alexander III, was forced to devote himself to combating the revolution. In
Mr. Wilson's time Czar Nicholas II was resuming Alexander the Liberator's attempt to pacify and unify his
country by enfranchising the people, and once more was being fiercely opposed by the Talmudic Zionists.

Then, at the very moment when Mr. Wilson made his implicit attack on Russian "intolerance",
assassination was again used in Russia to destroy Nicholas II's work. During the revolution of 1906 he had
issued an imperial decree making Russia a constitutional monarchy, and in 1907 he introduced universal
suffrage. The revolutionaries feared this liberating measure more than they feared any Cossacks and used the
People's Assembly, when it first met, for riotous uproar, so that it had to be dissolved. The Czar then chose
as his prime minister an enlightened statesman, Count Stolypin, who by decree enacted a land reform followed by
new elections. The result was that in the second parliament he received a great ovation and the revolutionaries
were routed (some 3,000,000 landless peasants became owners of their land).


The future of Russia at that moment looked brighter than ever before. Stolypin was a national hero
and wrote, "Our principal aim is to strengthen the agricultural population. The whole strength of the country
rests on it . . . Give
[241] this country ten years of inner tranquility and you will not know Russia".

Those ten tranquil years would have changed the course of history for the better; instead, the
conspiracy intervened and produced the ten days that shook the world. In 1911 Count Stolypin went to
Kieff, where the Czar was to unveil a monument to the murdered Liberator, Alexander II, and was shot at a
gala performance in the theatre by a Jewish revolutionary, Bagroff (in 1917 a Jewish commissar, discovering
that a girl among some fugitives was Count Stolypin's daughter, promptly shot her).

That happened in September 1911; in December 1911 Mr. Wilson, the candidate, made his speech
expressing "a sense of identity" with the Jewish "cause". In November 1911 Mr. Wilson had for the first time
met the man, Mr. House, who had "chosen" him in 1910 (and who had then already "lined up all my political
friends and following" on Mr. Wilson's behalf). Mr. House reported to his brother-in-law, "Never before
have I found both the man and the opportunity".

Before the election Mr. House drew up a list of cabinet ministers (see Philip Dru) in consultation with a
Mr. Bernard Baruch, who now enters this tale. He might be the most important of all the figures who will
appear in it during the ensuing fifty years, for he was to become known as "the adviser" to several Presidents
and in the 1950's was still advising President Eisenhower and Mr. Winston Churchill: In 1912 he was publicly
known only as a highly successful financier. His biographer states that he contributed $50,000 to Mr. Wilson's
campaign.

Then during the election campaign Mr. Wilson was made to feel the bit. After initial indiscretions he
promised Mr. House (as earlier quoted, and compared with Philip Dru) "not to act independently in future".
Immediately after the election he received Rabbi Stephen Wise "in a lengthy session" at which they discussed
"Russian affairs with special reference to the treatment of Jews" (Mr. Wise). At the same moment Mr. House lunched
with a Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, an eminent jurist and a Jew, and recorded that "his mind and mine are in accord
concerning most of the questions that are now to the fore ".

Thus three of the four men around Mr. Wilson were Jews and all three, at one stage or another, played
leading parts in promoting the re-segregation of the Jews through Zionism and its Palestinian ambition. At
that time Mr. Brandeis and Rabbi Wise were the leading Zionists in America, and Mr. Brandeis, at his
entrance into the story, deserves a paragraph.

He was distinguished in appearance and in intellect, but neither he nor any other lawyer could have
defined what constituted, in him, "a Jew". He did not practise the Judaist religion, either in the Orthodox or
Reformed versions, and once wrote, "During most of my life my contact with Jews and Judaism was slight
and I gave little thought to their problems". His conversion was of the irrational, romantic kind (recalling Mr.
Balfour's): one day in 1897 he read at
[242] breakfast a report of Dr. Herzl's speech at the First Zionist Congress and told his wife, "There is a
cause to which I could give my life".

Thus the fully assimilated American Jew was transformed in a trice. He displayed the ardour of the
convert in his subsequent attacks on "assimilation": "Assimilation cannot be averted unless there be reestablished
in the Fatherland a centre from which the Jewish spirit may radiate". The Zionists from Russia
never trusted this product of assimilation who now wanted to de-assimilate himself. They detested his
frequent talk about "Americanism". He said, "My approach to Zionism was through Americanism", and to
the Talmudists this was akin to saying that Zionism could be approached through "Russianism", which they
were bent on destroying. In fact it was illogical to advocate the fiercest form of racial segregation while
professing to admire American assimilationism, and Mr. Brandeis, for all his lawyer's skill, seems never truly
to have understood the nature of Zionism. He became the Herzl of American Zionists (Rabbi Stephen Wise
was their Weizmann) and was rudely dropped when he had served his turn. However, at the decisive
moment, in 1917, he played a decisive part.

Such was the grouping around a captive president as the American Republic moved towards
involvement in the First World War, and such was the cause which was to be pursued through him and
through his country's involvement. After his election Mr. House took over his correspondence, arranged
whom he should see or not receive, told Cabinet officers what they were to say or not to say, and so on. By
then he had also found time to write and publish that astonishing novel. He wanted power, and achieved it, but
what else he wanted, in the sequence, he never decided. Thus his ambition was purposeless, and in retrospect

he now looks like Savrola, the hero of another politician's novel, of whom its author, Mr. Winston Churchill,
said "Ambition was the motive force, and Savrola was powerless to resist it". At the end of his life Mr.
House, lonely and forgotten, greatly disliked Philip Dru.

But between 1911 and 1919 life was delightful for Mr. House. He loved the feeling of power for its
own sake, and withal was too kind to want to hurt Rockland in the White House:

"It was invariably my intention, with the President as with all other men I sought to influence, to make
him think that ideas he derived from me were his own. In the nature of things I have thought more on many
things than had the President, and I had had opportunities to discuss them more widely than he. But no man
honestly likes to have another man steer his conclusions. We are all a little vain on that score. Most human
beings are too much guided by personal vanity in what they do. It happens that I am not. It does not matter
to me who gets the credit for an idea I have imparted. The main thing is to get the idea to work. Usually, to
tell the truth, the idea was not original with me… . . ." (and as previously quoted, from Mr. Howden).

Thus someone "steered" Mr. House, who steered Mr. Wilson, to the
[243] conclusion that a body of men in the Talmudic areas of Russia ought to be put in possession of
Palestine, with the obvious consequence that a permanent source of world warfare would be established
there, and that the Jews of the world ought to be re-segregated from mankind. In this plan the destruction of
Russia and the spread of the world-revolution also were foreseeably involved.

At that period (1913) an event occurred which seemed of little importance then but needs recording
here because of its later, large consequence. In America was an organization called B'nai B'rith (Hebrew for
"Children of the Covenant"). Founded in 1843 as a fraternal lodge exclusively for Jews, it was called "purely
an American institution", but it put out branches in many countries and today claims to "represent all Jews
throughout the world", so that it appears to be part of the arrangement described by Dr. Kastein as "the
Jewish international". In 1913 B'nai B'rith put out a tiny offshoot, the "Anti-Defamation League". It was to
grow to great size and power; in it the state-within-states acquired a kind of secret police and it will reappear
in this story.

With the accession of Mr. Wilson and the group behind his presidential chair, the stage was set for the
war about to begin. The function of America, in promoting the great supernational "design" through that
war, was to be auxiliary. In that first stage England was cast for the chief part and the major objective, control
of the British government, had not been fully attained when the war began.

Thus the story now recrosses the Atlantic to England, where Mr. Balfour was moving again towards
office. The leading men there were still resistant to the hidden purpose and plan and were intent on fighting
the war, and winning it as quickly as possible, in the place where it began, Europe. They had to be brought
into line if the process foretold by Max Nordau in 1903 was to be accomplished. Therefore the resistant men
had to be disciplined or removed.

From 1914 to 1916, then, the story becomes that of the struggle to displace these men in England, and
to supplant them by others who, like Mr. Wilson, would fall into line.~(Douglas Reed: The Controversy of Zion, p.231-243)

LibertyEagle
08-13-2008, 04:59 PM
Do you have a link, lucius?

lucius
08-13-2008, 05:04 PM
Do you have a link, lucius?

I will look; I pulled this off a pdf.

KenInMontiMN
08-13-2008, 05:18 PM
http://knud.eriksen.adr.dk/Controversybook/TheAmbitionofMrHouse.htm

It's chapter 29 in Reed's book The Controversy of Zion
online here:
http://knud.eriksen.adr.dk/

lucius
08-13-2008, 05:22 PM
You can download 'The Controversy of Zion' pdf here: http://www.kasjo.net/reeedcontrov.pdf

Edit: You beat me to it.

Truth Warrior
08-13-2008, 05:42 PM
And a 33rd Degree Mason.<IMHO> ;)

"The real rulers in Washington are invisible and exercise power from behind the scenes." -- Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter,1952

tonesforjonesbones
08-13-2008, 05:56 PM
I had read House was instrumental in getting the Federal Reserve Act pushed through congress..tones

lucius
08-13-2008, 09:36 PM
James W. Gerard was the American ambassador to Germany during World War I. In his book, My First Eighty-three
Years in America, he related another story about Colonel House. Representatives of the German government contacted
Ambassador Gerard in February 1915 and asked him to notify President Wilson that they wanted to stop the war. The
ambassador sent President Wilson a cable, but Colonel House replied, and told him that henceforth all
communications with President Wilson were to be sent through him. Ambassador Gerard wrote:

In addition to the cable which I had already received informing me that Colonel House was fully commissioned to act
he himself reminded me of my duty in his February 16 postcript. In his own handwriting were those words from
House: The President has just repeated to me your cablegram to him, and says he has asked you to communicate
directly with me in the future . . . . All authority, therefore, had been vested in Colonel House, and as I was directed to
report to Colonel House direct, the President ceased to be even a conduit of communications. [89]

Ambassador Gerard commented on the power Colonel House had assumed:

He, who had never been appointed to any position, and who had never been passed upon by the Senate, was 'fully
instructed and commissioned' to act in the most grave situation. I have never ceased to wonder how he had managed to
attain such power and influence. [90]

Colonel House controlled President Woodrow Wilson, and the president did his bidding. Later Colonel House
controlled President Roosevelt, and much of the social legislation enacted during the Roosevelt Administration
involved programs that Colonel House advocated.[91] Where did Colonel House get his ability to control people's
minds? I will answer that question later.~Stanley Monteith 'Brotherhood Of Darkness'

89. James W. Gerard, My First Eighty-three Years in America, Doubleday Company, Inc, 1951, p. 229.
90. Ibid, p. 230.
91. Ibid.

dirknb@hotmail.com
08-13-2008, 09:37 PM
I had read House was instrumental in getting the Federal Reserve Act pushed through congress..tones

Yep. He basically directed virtually all of Woodrow Wilson's moves.

Truth Warrior
08-14-2008, 05:28 AM
You can download 'The Controversy of Zion' pdf here: http://www.kasjo.net/reeedcontrov.pdf

Edit: You beat me to it.

:cool: Thanks for the link. PDF downloaded and saved. ;)

Truth Warrior
08-14-2008, 05:37 AM
Descriptions of the Edward M. House Papers and Associated Collections in Manuscripts and Archives
http://www.library.yale.edu/un/house/colldesc.htm

Truth Warrior
08-14-2008, 05:45 AM
On November 21, 1933, President Franklin Roosevelt wrote a letter to Col. Edward Mandell House, President Woodrow Wilson's close advisor:
"The real truth of the matter is, as you and I know, that a financial element in the larger centers has owned the Government ever since the days of Andrew Jackson... "


A CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE NEW WORLD ORDER
by D.L. Cuddy, Ph.D.
http://www.constitution.org/col/cuddy_nwo.htm


http://i75.photobucket.com/albums/i304/Truth_Warrior/nwo-logo_130x.gif

"In politics, nothing happens by accident. If it happens, you can bet it was planned that way." -- Franklin D. Roosevelt ( 33rd Degree Mason ;) )

Mister Grieves
08-14-2008, 06:02 AM
Sounds like he was a shining example of an elitist PoS.

Truth Warrior
08-14-2008, 06:17 AM
Jeckyll Island and the Federal Reserve

By John Pounders (fivestarinfo@cs.com), Paradigm Publishing, Copyright 1996

My wife and I visited Jekyll Island, Georgia, in April, 1996. It immediately took on a fascination because I remembered that Jekyll is known as the birthplace of the Federal Reserve. In fact, the Clubhouse/hotel on the island has two conference rooms named for the "Federal Reserve."

In 1886, a group of millionaires purchased Jekyll Island and converted it into a winter retreat and hunting ground, the USA's most exclusive club. By 1900, the club's roster represented 1/6th of the world's wealth. Names like Astor, Vanderbilt, Morgan, Pulitzer and Gould filled the club's register. Non- members, regardless of stature, were not allowed. Dignitaries like Winston Churchill and President McKinley were refused admission.

In 1908, the year after a national money panic purportedly created by J. P. Morgan, Congress established, in 1908, a National Monetary Authority. In 1910 another, more secretive, group was formed consisting of the chiefs of major corporations and banks in this country. The group left secretly by rail from Hoboken, New Jersey, and traveled anonymously to the hunting lodge on Jekyll Island.

The meeting was so secret that none referred to the other by his last name. Why the need for secrecy? Frank Vanderlip wrote later in the Saturday Evening Post, "...it would have been fatal to Senator Aldrich's plan to have it known that he was calling on anybody from Wall Street to help him in preparing his bill...I do not feel it is any exaggeration to speak of our secret expedition to Jekyll Island as the occasion of the actual conception of what eventually became the Federal Reserve System."

At Jekyll Island, the true draftsman for the Federal Reserve was Paul Warburg. The plan was simple. The new central bank could not be called a central bank because America did not want one, so it had to be given a deceptive name. Ostensibly, the bank was to be controlled by Congress, but a majority of its members were to be selected by the private banks that would own its stock.

To keep the public from thinking that the Federal Reserve would be controlled from New York, a system of twelve regional banks was designed. Given the concentration of money and credit in New York, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York controlled the system, making the regional concept initially nothing but a ruse.

The board and chairman were to be selected by the President, but in the words of Colonel Edward House, the board would serve such a term as to "put them out of the power of the President." The power over the creation of money was to be taken from the people and placed in the hands of private bankers who could expand or contract credit as they felt best suited their needs.

Why the opposition to a central bank?

Americans at the time knew of the destruction to the economy the European central banks had caused to their respective countries and to countries who became their debtors. They saw the large- scale government deficit spending and debt creation that occurred in Europe.

Shortly after the United States gained its freedom, the Rothschilds attempted to saddle the country with a private central bank. This Bank of the United States was abolished by President Andrew Jackson with these words:

The bold effort the present bank has made to control the government, the distress it had wantonly produced...are but premonitions of the fate that awaits the American people should they be deluded into a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of another like it.

But European financial moguls didn't rest until the New World was within their orbit. In 1902, Paul Warburg, a friend and associate of the Rothschilds and an expert on European central banking, came to this country as a partner in Kuhn, Loeb and Company. He married the daughter of Solomon Loeb, one of the founders of the firm. The head of Kuhn, Loeb was Jacob Schiff, whose gift of $20 million in gold to the struggling Russian communists in 1917 no doubt saved their revolution.

The Fed controls the banking system in the USA, not the Congress nor the people indirectly (as the Constitution dictates). The U.S. central bank strategy is a product of European banking interests.

http://www.frugalfun.com/jekylisland.html

"Permit me to issue and control the money of a nation, and I care not who makes its laws." -- Mayer Amschel Rothschild


"The issue which has swept down the centuries and which will have to be fought sooner or later is the people versus the banks." -- Lord Acton

Truth Warrior
08-14-2008, 07:08 AM
Chronology of the Life and Times of Colonel Edward M. House

1858Edward Mandell House is born in Houston, Texas on July 26, the seventh and youngest son of Thomas William and Mary Elizabeth (Shearn) House.1880Leaves Cornell University after the death of his father to engage in commercial enterprise and cotton farming.1881Marries Loulie Hunter1892His successful management of Texas Governor James S. Hogg's reelection campaign leads to a close political friendship. House is placed on the Governor's staff and is given the title of "Colonel." For the next ten years serves as unofficial advisor to Texas governors.1894Manages successful gubernatorial campaign of Charles A. Culberson.1898Manages successful gubernatorial campaign of Joseph D. Sayers.1902After managing the successful gubernatorial campaign of S. W. T. Lanham, withdraws from an active involvement in politics.1910Moves to New York City in search of larger political arenas.1911Meets Woodrow Wilson in November.1912Anonymous publication of his political novel, Philip Dru: Administrator. Works to secure the nomination of Wilson for U.S. president. In September begins to keep a daily diary recorded by Frances Denton. In November Wilson is elected and House becomes his close friend and advisor.1913In Europe, as Wilson's unofficial emissary, meets British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey.1914In Europe, in the spring and summer works with Wilson's approval to ameliorate Anglo-German relations. In December proposes alliance of unity between nations of Western Hemisphere.1915In January sails to Europe on the Lusitania. In March has first private interview with King George of England and meets with other heads of state.1916On third mission to Europe, drafts with Lord Grey a proposal for U.S. mediation to end war.1917JanRecords first formulation of Fourteen Points with Wilson.AprCongress declares war on Germany and House meets with Balfour to discuss peace terms.SepWilson turns over to House the task of gathering material for the Peace Conference.DecAttends Interallied Conference as chief of the American mission to London and Paris. Sets up the Inquiry.1918Jan 8Wilson delivers Fourteen Points speech.JulWilson asks House to draft a Covenant of a League of Nations.OctRepresents Wilson in the interallied conferences responding to Germany's request for peace negotiations and achieves great diplomatic success in producing a pre-armistice agreement and is appointed to the U.S. Peace Commission.1919As Wilson's chief deputy at the Paris Peace Conference, House takes charge during Wilson's absences in February, March, and early April. Their last face to face meeting takes place on June 28. In October House returns to America.1921With Charles Seymour, edits and publishes What Really Happened At Paris.1923Donates his papers to the Yale University Library.1926-28Publication of four volumes of The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, "arranged as a narrative" by Charles Seymour.1932Resumes a degree of political activity with the Democratic campaign and election of Franklin D. Roosevelt.1938Dies on March 28 at the age of seventy-nine and is buried in Houston, Texas.

http://www.library.yale.edu/un/house/chrono.htm

Note: The link is much easier to read. ;)

lucius
08-14-2008, 09:13 PM
Colonel House was able to control the men who led the world between 1912 and 1938 because he had the ability to
ooze thoughts into their minds. Arthur Howden Smith knew him, and commented on his mystical ability:

Colonel House would come into an office and say a few words quietly, and after he had gone you would suddenly
become seized by a good idea. You would suggest that idea to your friends or superiors and be congratulated for it; it
would work first rate, beyond your wildest dreams. You might forget about it. But some time, as sure as shooting, in
cogitating proudfully over it, you would come to an abrupt realization that that idea had been oozed into your brain by
Colonel House in the course of conversation. [86]

Smith then described Colonel House's account of his third meeting with Woodrow Wilson:

It was an evening several weeks later, when he had been paying me a . . . visit, that I said to Mr. Wilson as he rose to
go: 'Governor, isn't it strange that two men who never knew each other before should think so much alike?' He
answered: 'My dear fellow, we have known each other all our lives.' [87]

By their third meeting, Woodrow Wilson was under Colonel House's control. House was well aware of his ability to
control others. I found an entry in his unpublished diary where he bragged about how he convinced Premier
Clemenceau of France and Premier Orlando of Italy of something he knew wasn't true. In January 1919 both men
feared that the Bolsheviks intended to foment revolutions in their countries, and they wanted to send a military
contingent to Russia to defeat the Bolsheviks. Colonel House wrote:

I had a heart to heart talk with Clemenceau about Bolshevism in Russia and its westward march. I made him confess
that military intervention was impossible .... Later in the afternoon when Orlando called, I gave him very much the
same kind of talk, and he too, agreed with my conclusions. I am trying, and have partially succeeded, to frighten not
only the President, but the English, French and Italians regarding what might be termed the Russian peril. Personally, I
really do not believe there is as much danger as I make it to them .... I would not confess that military intervention was
an impossibility because I believe that it could be successfully accomplished if gone about properly. A voluntary and a
mercenary army of very small proportions, equipped with artillery and tanks, would in my opinion do the work. [88]

Here Colonel House admits that he made both Clemenceau and Orlando confess that the use of military force against
the Bolsheviks would be futile, yet he knew that wasn't true. This is an example of how Colonel House was able to
ooze ideas into the minds of the leaders of the Western world. Why did Colonel House want to protect the Bolsheviks? ~Stanley Monteith in his 'Brotherhood Of Darkness'.

86. Arthur D. Howden Smith, The Real Colonel House, George H. Doran Co, New York, 1918, pp. 120-21.
87. Ibid., pp. 94-5.
88. Colonel House's Diary, Yale University, January, 1919. See Also: Cuddy, op cit., pp. 34-35.

Truth Warrior
08-14-2008, 10:34 PM
A New World Order?

(1) The Round Table and Council on Foreign Relations

"The Round Table organization in England grew out of the life-long dream of gold and diamond magnate Cecil Rhodes for a 'new world order'."
- Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy

"The seven wills which Cecil Rhodes made between the ages of 24 and 46 [Rhodes died at age forty-eight] constitute a kind of spiritual autobiography...Best know are the first (the Secret Society Will...), and the last, which established the Rhodes Scholarships...

"In his first will Rhodes states his aim still more specifically: 'The extension of British rule throughout the world....the foundation of so great a power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the interests of humanity'.

"The 'Confession of Faith' enlarges upon these ideas. The model for this proposed secret society was the Society of Jesus, though he mentions also the Masons."
- Frank Aydelotte, American Rhodes Scholarships


"The 'secret society' was organized on the conspiratorial pattern of circles within circles...The central part of the 'secret society' was established by March, 1891, using Rhodes' money. the organization was run for Rothschild [Rhodes' financier in mining enterprises] by Lord Alfred Milner...a key financier of the Bolshevik revolution. The Round Table worked behind the scenes at the highest levels of British government, influencing foreign policy and England's involvement and conduct of WWI."
- Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy

"At the end of the war of 1914, it became clear that the organization of this system [the Round Table Group] had to be extended. Once again the task was entrusted to Lionel Curtis who established, in England and each dominion, a front organization to the existing Round Table Group. This front organization, called the Royal Institute of International Affairs, had as it nucleus in each area the existing submerged Round Table Group. In New York it was known as the Council on Foreign Relations, and was a front for J. P. Morgan and Company in association with the very small American Round Table Group. The American organizers were dominated by the large number of Morgan 'experts'...who had gone to the Paris Peace Conference and there became close friends with the similar group of English 'experts' which had been recruited by the Milner group. In fact, the original plans for the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Council on Foreign Relations [C.F.R.] were drawn up in Paris..."
- Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope

"Colonel' Edward Mandel House was 'the British-educated son of a representative of England's financial interests in the American South. The title was honorary; House never served in the military. He was strictly a behind-the-scenes wire-puller and is regarded by many historians as the real President of the United States during the Wilson years."

"House had set down his political ideas in his book called Philip Dru: Administrator in 1912. In this book House laid out a thinly fictionalized plan for conquest of America by establishing 'Socialism as dreamed by Karl Marx'. He described a 'conspiracy' - the word is his - which succeeds in electing a U.S. President by means of 'deception regarding his real opinions and intentions'. Among other things, House wrote that the conspiracy was to insinuate 'itself into the primaries, in order that no candidate might be nominated whose views were not in accord with theirs'. Elections were to become mere charades conducted for the bedazzlement of the booboisie. The idea was to use both the Democrat and Republican parties as instruments to promote World government."
- Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy

"Some of the biggest men in the United States, in the field of commerce and manufacture, are afraid of something. They know that there is a power somewhere so organized, so subtle, so watchful, so interlocked, so complete, so pervasive, that they had better not speak above their breath when they speak in condemnation of it."
- Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom

"In 1919 House met in Paris with members of...The Round Table in order to form an organization whose job it would be to propagandize the citizens of America, England and western Europe on the glories of World Government. The big selling point, of course, was 'peace'."

"...The most important financial dynasties in America following WWI were (in addition to Morgan) the Rockefeller family; Kuhn, Loeb & Company; Dillon Read and Company and Brown Bros Harriman. All were represented in the C.F.R. and Paul Warburg [who was the key figure in implementing the Federal Reserve System] was one of the incorporators."

"The C.F.R. has come to be know as 'The Establishment', 'the invisible government' and 'the Rockefeller foreign office'. This semi-secret organization unquestionably has become the most influential group in America."
- Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy

C.F.R. openly advocates 'building a new international order [which] must be responsive to world aspirations for peace, [and] for social and economic change...an international order [code word for world government]...including states labeling themselves as 'Socialist' [Communist]."
- Study No. 7, published by the C.F.R. on November 25, 1959

As of 1971 "the formal membership in the C.F.R. is composes of close to 1500 of the most elite names in the worlds of government, labor, business, finance, communications, the foundations, and the academy - and...it has staffed almost every key position of every administration since those of FDR..."

"At least forty-seven C.F.R. members were among the American delegates to the founding of the United Nations in San Francisco in 1945. Members of the C.F.R. group included Harold Stassen, John J. McCloy, Owen Lattimore (called by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee a 'conscious articulate instrument of the Soviet conspiracy'), Alger Hiss (Communist spy), Nelson Rockefeller, John Foster Dulles, John Carter Vincent (security risk), and Dean Acheson."

"So completely has the C.F.R. dominated the State Department over the past thirty-eight years that every Secretary of State except Cordell Hull, James Byrnes, and William Rogers has been a member of the C.F.R."
- Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy

"Almost half of the Council members have been invited to assume official government positions or to act as consultants at one time or another."
- The Christian Science Monitor

"International banking organizations that currently [1971] have men in the C.F.R. include Kuhn, Loeb & Company; Lazard Freres (directly affiliated with Rothschild); Dillon Read; Lehman Bros.; Goldman, Sachs; Chase Manhattan Bank; Morgan Guaranty Bank; Brown Bros. Harriman; First National City Bank; Chemical Bank & Trust, and Manufactures Hanover Trust Bank."

"Among the major corporations that have men in the C.F.R. are Standard Oil, IBM, Xerox, Eastman Kodak, Pan American, Firestone, U.S. Steel, General Electric and American Telephone and Telegraph company."

"Among the communications corporations represented in the C.F.R. are National Broadcasting Corporation, Columbia Broadcasting System, Time, Life, Fortune, Look, Newsweek, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, New York Post, Denver Post, Louisville Courier Journal, Minneapolis Tribune, the Knight papers, McGraw-Hill, Simon & Schuster, Harper Bros., Random House, Little Brown & Co., Macmillan Co., Viking Press, Saturday Review, Business Week and Book of the Month Club."
- Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy

During World War II "most of the concentration camp factories were operated by the giant German chemical combine, I. G. Farben. In fact, one of Farben's subsidiaries manufactured the poison gas used in concentration camp gas chambers. A remarkable book, The Crime and Punishment of I. G. Farben , by Joseph Borkin, documents how the Farben companies, in cooperation with the Nazi SS, ran the concentration camps and adjacent factories as a business enterprise."

"Prince Bernhard of the House of Orange in the Netherlands had been a member of the SS before the war, followed by a stint as an employee of I. G. Farben. He then married into the House of Orange and assumed his position as chairman of Shell Oil."
- William Bramley, The Gods of Eden

Three centuries ago, "a powerful group of Englishmen and Scots had formed a Protestant political faction in England known as the Whigs. The Whigs were actually headquartered in Holland which...was under the monarchy of the House of Orange. From their Dutch base, the Whigs launched the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and quickly unseated James II in a bloodless coup. The Whigs then placed James II's son-in-law, William III of Orange, on the British throne. The House of Orange now reigned over both Holland and England, as well as over their original German homeland."

"William II is reported to have been a Freemason (http://www.mystae.com/restricted/streams/masons/masons.html). In fact, in 1688, a militant secret society was formed to support William II. It was called the Order of Orange after William II's family, and it patterned itself after Freemasonry. The Orange Order was anti-Catholic and its purpose was to ensure that Protestantism remained the dominant Christian religion of England."

"Upon his assumption of the British throne, William III quickly undertook to erect the same institutions in England as those which had been established by his dynasty in Holland: a strong parliament with a weakened monarchy and a central bank operating on an inflatable paper currency. William and his queen, Mary II, also promptly launched England into expensive wars against Catholic France."
- William Bramley, The Gods of Eden

(2) The Bilderbergers

"It should not be surprising to learn that there is on the international level an organizational equivalent of the C.F.R. This group calls itself the Bilderbergers....The strange name of this group is taken from the site of the first meeting in May, 1954 - the Hotel de Bilderberg - in Oostebeek, Holland. The man who create the Bilderbergers is His Royal Highness Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands. The Prince is an important figure in Royal Dutch Petroleum (Shell Oil) and the Societe General de Belgique, a huge conglomerate cartel with worldwide holdings. The Bilderbergers meet once - or sometimes twice - a year. Those in attendance include leading political and financial figures from the United states and Western Europe. Prince Bernhard makes no effort to hide the fact that the ultimate goal of the Bilderbergers is a world government. In the meantime, while the 'new world order' is being built, the Bilderbergers coordinate the efforts of the European and American power elites.

"Prince Bernard's counterpart among the American Bilderbergers is David Rockefeller, chairman of the board of the C.F.R., whose economic base is the giant Chase Manhattan Bank and Standard Oil. Among the other Bilderbergers from the world of ultra-high finance are Baron Edmund de Rothschild of the House of Rothschild, C. Douglas Dillon (C.F.R.) of Dillon Read & Co., Robert McNamara of the World Bank, Sir Eric Roll of S.G. Warburg and Co., Ltd, Pierce Paul Schweitzer of the International Monetary Fund, and George Ball (C.F.R.) of Lehman Bothers."
- Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy

"Prince Bernhard personally chaired these meetings until 1976, when a corruption scandal forced him to resign."
- William Bramley, The Gods of Eden

Sovereign Military Order of Malta (abbreviated SMOM) has also been linked to the Bilderbergers as an "800 year old Vatican 'secret police' or 'dirty tricks bureau. According to Covert Action Information Bulletin #25, Winter 1986, notable recent members of SMOM have included Dr. Otto von Hapsburg (a prime organize of the infamous 'Bilderbergers'), Franz von Papen (the man who persuaded President von Hindenburg to resign and appoint Hitler chancellor of Germany) William Casey (the CIA chief who died mysteriously during the Iran-Contra hearings), Major General Reinhard Gehlen (vide supra), General Alexander Haig, William F. Buckley jr., Clare Boothe Luce, and the three ringleaders o the P2 conspiracy in Italy --Roberto Calvi, Michele Sindona and Licio Gelli. Baigent, Lincoln and Leigh in The Messianic Legacy (Henry Holt, New York, 1987) have added to the list of SMOM members Alexandre de Marenches, former chief of French Intelligence, and claim mysterious links between SMOM and the Priory of Sion. Gordon Thomas and Max Wittman in The Year of Armaggedon (Corgi, London, 1984) claim that SMOM members act as couriers between the Vatican and the CIA. Most scholars dissent vehemently from von Hanfkopf's ill-documented charge that Professor de Selby, Flahive, La Tournier and the shadowy La Fournier are all members of SMOM."
- Bram

http://www.mystae.com/restricted/streams/masons/conspire.html

ChooseLiberty
08-24-2008, 01:16 AM
Didn't Wilson/House also change the election of US Senators from the state legislatures to popular election to remove power from the States?

All in all an evil group of men.

Truth Warrior
08-24-2008, 11:10 AM
Didn't Wilson/House also change the election of US Senators from the state legislatures to popular election to remove power from the States?

All in all an evil group of men.

Absitively!!! :)