Why is the average American shocked that universal income taxes are unconstitutional?

[dude58677]

I don't see how it can surprise anyone that a universal income tax is unconstitutional for a variety of reasons given our countries heritage. We fought a revolutionary war against a unfair tax from Britian, wrote a declaration of independence on the principles of life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. We also created an Articles of Confederation where the powers to tax were so limited that a tax law couldn't even be enforced. When the Bill of Rights were enacted, the Preamble to the Bill of Rights states that they are intended prevent abuse of power and misconstruction. Afterwards we didn't have an income tax for 120 years and didn't have a witholding tax law till 1943 and was only intended to be used for a war effort. Now it is surprising that taxes are unconstitutonal?

[diesirae]

It would be very surprising because courts at all levels have repeatedly ruled that the income tax is, in fact, constitutional.

[Broadlighter]

Dude, the only taxes that are constitutional are indirect which are apportioned according to the states and the enumeration of their populations and direct taxes which are excises and tariffs. These moneys are only to fund items that are authorized in Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution.

So there are constitutional taxes, but like the government, they are supposed to be LIMITED!

[ItsTime]

It would be very surprising because courts at all levels have repeatedly ruled that the income tax is, in fact, constitutional.

really?

http://www.reason.com/news/show/30860.html

[diesirae]

Dude, the only taxes that are constitutional are indirect which are apportioned according to the states and the enumeration of their populations and direct taxes which are excises and tariffs. These moneys are only to fund items that are authorized in Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution.

So there are constitutional taxes, but like the government, they are supposed to be LIMITED!

Funny, but the claim that the income tax is a direct tax has also been repeatedly ruled against:



“[T]he words direct taxes, as used in the Constitution, comprehended only capitation taxes, and taxes on land, and perhaps taxes on personal property by general valuation and assessment of the various descriptions possessed with the several States. It follows necessarily that the power to tax without apportionment extends to all other objects. Taxes on other objects are included under the heads of taxes not direct, duties, imposts, and excises, and must be laid and collected by the rule of uniformity.”




“[Becraft’s] position can fairly be reduced to one elemental proposition: The Sixteenth Amendment does not authorize a direct non-apportioned income tax on resident United States citizens and thus such citizens are not subject to the federal income tax laws. ... We hardly need comment on the patent absurdity and frivolity of such a proposition. For over 75 years, the Supreme Court and the lower federal courts have both implicitly and explicitly recognized the Sixteenth Amendment’s authorization of a non-apportioned direct income tax on United States citizens residing in the United States and thus the validity of the federal income tax laws as applied to such citizens.”




really?

http://www.reason.com/news/show/30860.html

Yes, really. Your article even specifically supports that:



Income taxes existed--and were considered constitutional--before the 16th Amendment.


It argues that what you need to eliminate the income tax is an amendment to remove the income tax. Repealing the 16th amendment would remove a number of different types of income taxes (non-apportioned); it would not eliminate the income tax, period. It would just require an apportionment.

[Fox McCloud]

the income tax is unconstitutional, from what I gather...but the courts have repeatedly ruled in favor against the Constitution itself (surprise surprise)....so it's pretty much impossible to beat, unless you're lucky.

[diesirae]

the income tax is unconstitutional, from what I gather...but the courts have repeatedly ruled in favor against the Constitution itself (surprise surprise)....so it's pretty much impossible to beat, unless you're lucky.

No, some people (apparently including you) believe the income tax is unconstitutional, and the courts have repeatedly told them they're wrong, but they don't listen. There's a reason why judges at all levels have repeatedly ruled against tax protester arguments, and it's not because every single judge in American history is evil and part of some dark kabbalahic organization designed to ensure that you pay income tax.

It's not "unless you're lucky" — it's "unless you're insane". The only people who have been able to get out of paying the fine for making frivolous tax protester arguments (and not paying their taxes) is by arguing that their irrational belief that the income tax is illegal constituted a mental delusion. Ironically, they usually win.

What I really, really don't understand is how anti-democratic this argument is. The states specifically passed an amendment to the constitution to allow for a non-apportioned income tax - and the argument is basically that the will of the people, exercised via legal channels and in the manner described by the constitution should is wrong and so they make up legally frivolous arguments so they don't have to take part.

[Fox McCloud]

What I really, really don't understand is how anti-democratic this argument is. The states specifically passed an amendment to the constitution to allow for a non-apportioned income tax - and the argument is basically that the will of the people, exercised via legal channels and in the manner described by the constitution should is wrong and so they make up legally frivolous arguments so they don't have to take part.

I'm not going to address what you previously said because I am not an expert, and I don't feel like arguing the matter anyway.

Either way, so, since it's the "will of the people", you wouldn't mind if the majority of States passed an amendment that banned gay marriage, formed a national health-care system, forced you to become part of a certain church, subsidize failing industries, to mandate that everyone has to be a certain weight, or pay 90% of your income to the government in exchange for them to "take care of you"?

Granted, those are extremist examples, yes, but just how eager are you take "Democracy"?

[Uncle Emanuel Watkins]

I don't see how it can surprise anyone that a universal income tax is unconstitutional for a variety of reasons given our countries heritage. We fought a revolutionary war against a unfair tax from Britian, wrote a declaration of independence on the principles of life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. We also created an Articles of Confederation where the powers to tax were so limited that a tax law couldn't even be enforced. When the Bill of Rights were enacted, the Preamble to the Bill of Rights states that they are intended prevent abuse of power and misconstruction. Afterwards we didn't have an income tax for 120 years and didn't have a witholding tax law till 1943 and was only intended to be used for a war effort. Now it is surprising that taxes are unconstitutonal?

It is interesting that the 10% tithe placed on Church members wasn't for God's work as people suppose but just for widows and orphans.
Of course, the Roman Emperor's tax was more mafioso in that it was his cut of the action. It was an agreement between the Romans who would supply an army to help the lessor armies of the individual nations within the Roman empire fend off invading armies. (Give to Caesar what is Caesars, give to God what is God's)
The King of England owned all the land in England which created a lot of illegal business in his Kingdom. As the normal business of the day had the first born going to work for the ruling monarchy and the second born going into the Church, the rest of the children were left to take care of the illegal business of survival. Because the King owned every inch of property, he hired Barons to penalize this illegal business.
I would think the reason the King of England needed to collect a tax to pay for the war with the French was to replentish his military.
Also I would think the whole reason for a tax would be to set up an inequitable system. If the government just spent the money necessary to take care of its business then the people could pay for it through productivity without the need for a tax. I would think this would be more productive than having to hire thousands of people to collect taxes.
I think the problem really exists between the rule of the people and the rule of tyranny. We are a nation of the people which means we should own the purse (debt) while tyranny creates legal counterfeit. So, the people and their posterity should not have to be burdered with any legal counterfeit created by tyranny outside of any reasonable debt. A Supreme Court ruling on this would certainly go towards helping our government operate more economically.

[dude58677]

It would be very surprising because courts at all levels have repeatedly ruled that the income tax is, in fact, constitutional.

Judicial supremacy is a myth under the text of the Constitution and it is just as much a myth as the income tax being unconstutional. Juries are allowed to rule on the Constitution under the ninth amendment as this is called jury nullification which is an American tradition dating back to the Magna Carta. The Supreme Court might say that there is no jury nullfication under the Bill of Rights and might instruct jurors to rule on only guilt and innocence but this act by the Supreme Court is unconstitutional and so jurors must rule to nullify the Supreme Court with the use of jury nullification.

Also Congress doesn't have to fund the Supreme Court and also Congress can control the jurisidiction of the Supreme Court. Congress has abused this power by enacting laws that sanction "tax protestors" so it isn't like the government wins fair and square.

LAst, the preamble to the Bill of Rights says "In order to prevent the misconstruction and abuse of powers, further restrictive clauses must be added" and thus the bill of rights restricts taxing, spending, and judical power esp the ninth amendment even if the government denies it.

[muh_roads]

What countries out there do not have an income tax?

[dude58677]

What countries out there do not have an income tax?

Not one, but America is unique based on how it was founded on freedom. We are the only country where the right of individuals to own guns is explicit in the Constitution.

[bander87]

What countries out there do not have an income tax?

Not sure about this, but one of them ought be to correct...
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Income_tax#Countries_with_no_personal_income_tax

[diesirae]

Judicial supremacy is a myth under the text of the Constitution and it is just as much a myth as the income tax being unconstutional. Juries are allowed to rule on the Constitution under the ninth amendment as this is called jury nullification which is an American tradition dating back to the Magna Carta. The Supreme Court might say that there is no jury nullfication under the Bill of Rights and might instruct jurors to rule on only guilt and innocence but this act by the Supreme Court is unconstitutional and so jurors must rule to nullify the Supreme Court with the use of jury nullification.

Also Congress doesn't have to fund the Supreme Court and also Congress can control the jurisidiction of the Supreme Court. Congress has abused this power by enacting laws that sanction "tax protestors" so it isn't like the government wins fair and square.

LAst, the preamble to the Bill of Rights says "In order to prevent the misconstruction and abuse of powers, further restrictive clauses must be added" and thus the bill of rights restricts taxing, spending, and judical power esp the ninth amendment even if the government denies it.

You don't even have an argument here. You're just saying "it's unconstitutional because I say it is". Judges are members of the legal profession and serve as experts in what the law says - that's why they act as interpreters in a court of law, and evaluate legal arguments. It is really, really telling that no judge or bar association has ever said that the income tax is an unconstitutional tax - instead, they have repeatedly found that it is a constitutional tax, and the current one was explicitly allowed for in the 16th amendment. That was why the 16th amendment was passed.

Jury nullification occurs when a jury acknowledges a law, but disregards it for what they feel are more compelling reasons. This has absolutely nothing to do with constitutionality - if the income tax was unconstitutional, juries should rule against it, and would not nullify anything. What you are arguing is that juries should disregard the opinion of every single legal authority and instead say the constitution says something which it explicitly does not.

Hell, why we're at that why don't we just throw atheists in prison and then make specious legal arguments that it's okay because atheism isn't a religion under the free exercise clause, and then use jury nullification to uphold it. Jury nullification isn't a magic ticket where you get to write in whatever rights or lack-thereof you feel like filling in; and this falls right into that category. For someone who purportedly really cares about the Constitution and the set of checks and balances it laid out, you appear to basically be willing to say "SOD OFF" to the judicial branch when it tries to enforce a law which Congress amended the Constitution to allow because you don't like it.

Think about that - Congress, following the principles in the Constitution, amended the Constitution to explicitly allow for a non-apportioned income tax. This was ratified by the states, and both houses. The judiciary, acting as an arbiter of laws, correctly interpreted the amendment to allow for an income tax, and upheld the subsequent laws Congress passed following the 16th amendment. The will of the people, reflected in both Congress and the states passed a law you don't like. Your response? "Screw them all, we should just ignore it. And we should remove funding from any judge who applies the Constitution as it is written".

That's not the rule of law, and that's not respecting the Constitution. That's throwing a petulant little fit, and a tremendously shortsighted one at that. I am reminded of a famous quote which you might want to reflect on:



Accused by his son-in-law, Will Roper, of giving the devil the benefit of law, More retorts: “What would you do? Cut a great road through the law to get after the devil?”

Roper, also a lawyer, is quick with his answer: “Yes, I’d cut down every law in England to do that.”

“Oh?” says More, “And when the last law was down and the devil turned round on you, where would you hide, Roper, the laws all being flat? This country is planted thick with laws, from coast to coast, man’s laws not God’s, and if you cut them down—and you’re just the man to do it—do you really think you could stand upright in the winds that would blow then? Yes, I’d give the devil the benefit of law for my own safety’s sake.”

[Danke]

Dude, the only taxes that are constitutional are indirect which are apportioned according to the states and the enumeration of their populations and direct taxes which are excises and tariffs. These moneys are only to fund items that are authorized in Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution.

So there are constitutional taxes, but like the government, they are supposed to be LIMITED!

Just the opposite. Indirect taxes need to be uniform and direct taxes need to fall under the rules of apportionment.

[Danke]

It argues that what you need to eliminate the income tax is an amendment to remove the income tax. Repealing the 16th amendment would remove a number of different types of income taxes (non-apportioned); it would not eliminate the income tax, period. It would just require an apportionment.

Wrong.

The income tax has always been an indirect tax.

Apportionment is and always has been required for a direct tax.

The 16th Amendment did not change that.

[Danke]

It's not "unless you're lucky" — it's "unless you're insane". The only people who have been able to get out of paying the fine for making frivolous tax protester arguments (and not paying their taxes) is by arguing that their irrational belief that the income tax is illegal constituted a mental delusion. Ironically, they usually win.

Sweeping statement really has no substance. What defines a "Tax Protester"? Or "a frivolous tax protester argument."

Many people who have challenged the IRS after getting a frivolus letter, the accompanying proposed fine, and have gotten the IRS to back down and reverse their position.




The states specifically passed an amendment to the constitution to allow for a non-apportioned income tax...

Wrong.

The income tax has always been non-apportioned, it is an indirect tax.

[dude58677]

:/
Hell, why we're at that why don't we just throw atheists in prison and then make specious legal arguments that it's okay because atheism isn't a religion under the free exercise clause, and then use jury nullification to uphold it. Jury nullification isn't a magic ticket where you get to write in whatever rights or lack-thereof you feel like filling in; and this falls right into that category. For someone who purportedly really cares about the Constitution and the set of checks and balances it laid out, you appear to basically be willing to say "SOD OFF" to the judicial branch when it tries to enforce a law which Congress amended the Constitution to allow because you don't like it.

Think about that - Congress, following the principles in the Constitution, amended the Constitution to explicitly allow for a non-apportioned income tax. This was ratified by the states, and both houses. The judiciary, acting as an arbiter of laws, correctly interpreted the amendment to allow for an income tax, and upheld the subsequent laws Congress passed following the 16th amendment. The will of the people, reflected in both Congress and the states passed a law you don't like. Your response? "Screw them all, we should just ignore it. And we should remove funding from any judge who applies the Constitution as it is written".

That's not the rule of law, and that's not respecting the Constitution. That's throwing a petulant little fit, and a tremendously shortsighted one at that. I am reminded of a famous quote which you might want to reflect on:



Ron Paul doesn't agree with you: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pA4GKG__B-s&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tRdse8zBzyI&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pA4GKG__B-s&feature=related

Let's also look at the limitations on the Supreme Court:

1) The judicial officers have to swear to uphold the Constitution like everyone else under article 6. It never says that Supreme Court opinions are the Supreme Law of the Land, it only says that the Constitution is.

2) Congress doesn't have to fund the Supreme Court, so hypothetically it doesn't have to exist.

3) Congres controls the Supreme Court's jurisdiction under Article 3 section 2.

4) Congress didn't have to enact the Judiciary Act of 1789.

5) The President doesn't have to appoint a justice.

6) The Preamble to the Bil of Rights states that "In order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of it powers, further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added".


7) Unenumerated rights shall not be construed to deny or disparge others retained by the people such as the right not to be taxed for unconstitutional programs, wasteful programs, taxed for no reason, taxed for political purposes such as "pay their fair share", not to be taxed for debt that was created from unconstitutional and wasteful spending, and/or the right to not be forced to abide by a 50,000 page tax code(none of these things have been changed by the 16th amendment). Also the right as a juror to nullify the law.

8) The powers not delegated to the United States, are reserved to the States or to the people. There is no judical supremacy in the Constitution, so the people as jurors have a right to nullify the law even if the Supreme Court doesn't think so.

[dude58677]

The 16th amendment did not change the fact that the government is not allowed to tax the people to pay for unconstitutional programs, tax for the purpose of wasteful spending, tax and not spend the money on anything, tax for political purposes such as"paying their fair share" or tax to pay off a debt that was created with unconstitutional and wasteful spending. These things are prohibited under the ninth amendment and the preamble to the bill of rights stated that the bill of rights are restrictive clauses on government power, whether it is judicial, taxing, and spending power.

It is also worth noting that when the 16th amemdment was adopted there was a proposal that stated "direct tax" and it was rejected.

If I were a juror, I would conclude that a univeral income tax is unconstitutional for the reasons I stated and thus I would vote to aquit.

[zach]

What's the purpose of the income tax other than that the government gets some of my paycheck?

[ARealConservative]

It would be very surprising because courts at all levels have repeatedly ruled that the income tax is, in fact, constitutional.

the courts have also found we fought the civil war in order to give person hood to corporations and to give anybody born illegally in this country citizenship.

Sometimes they get it wrong!

[TheEvilDetector]

You don't even have an argument here. You're just saying "it's unconstitutional because I say it is". Judges are members of the legal profession and serve as experts in what the law says - that's why they act as interpreters in a court of law, and evaluate legal arguments. It is really, really telling that no judge or bar association has ever said that the income tax is an unconstitutional tax - instead, they have repeatedly found that it is a constitutional tax, and the current one was explicitly allowed for in the 16th amendment. That was why the 16th amendment was passed.


Was it really?

From: http://www.givemeliberty.org/features/taxes/notratified.htm

"HOW SOME STATES DID NOT LEGALLY
RATIFY THE 16TH AMENDMENT

Bill Benson's findings, published in "The Law That Never Was," make a convincing case that the 16th amendment was not legally ratified and that Secretary of State Philander Knox was not merely in error, but committed fraud when he declared it ratified in February 1913. What follows is a summary of some of the major findings for many of the states, showing that their ratifications were not legal and should not have been counted.

The 16th amendment had been sent out in 1909 to the state governors for ratification by the state legislatures after having been passed by Congress. There were 48 states at that time, and three-fourths, or 36, of them were required to give their approval in order for it to be ratified. The process took almost the whole term of the Taft administration, from 1909 to 1913.

Knox had received responses from 42 states when he declared the 16th amendment ratified on February 25, 1913, just a few days before leaving office to make way for the administration of Woodrow Wilson. Knox acknowledged that four of those states (Utah, Conn, R.I. and N.H.) had rejected it, and he counted 38 states as having approved it. We will now examine some of the key evidence Bill Benson found regarding the approval of the amendment in many of those states.

In Kentucky, the legislature acted on the amendment without even having received it from the governor (the governor of each state was to transmit the proposed amendment to the state legislature). The version of the amendment that the Kentucky legislature made up and acted upon omitted the words "on income" from the text, so they weren't even voting on an income tax! When they straightened that out (with the help of the governor), the Kentucky senate rejected the amendment. Yet Philander Knox counted Kentucky as approving it!

In Oklahoma, the legislature changed the wording of the amendment so that its meaning was virtually the opposite of what was intended by Congress, and this was the version they sent back to Knox. Yet Knox counted Oklahoma as approving it, despite a memo from his chief legal counsel, Reuben Clark, that states were not allowed to change it in any way.

Attorneys who have studied the subject have agreed that Kentucky and Oklahoma should not have been counted as approvals by Philander Knox, and, moreover, if any state could be shown to have violated its own state constitution or laws in its approval process, then that state's approval would have to be thrown out. That gets us past the "presumptive conclusion" argument, which says that the actions of an executive official cannot be judged by a court, and admits that Knox could be wrong.

If we subtract Kentucky and Oklahoma from the 38 approvals above, the count of valid approvals falls to 36, the exact number needed for ratification. If any more states can be shown to have had invalid approvals, the 16th amendment must be regarded as null and void.

The state constitution of Tennessee prohibited the state legislature from acting on any proposed amendment to the U.S. Constitution sent by Congress until after the next election of state legislators. The intent, of course, is to give the proposed amendment a chance to become an issue in the state legislative elections so that the people can have a voice in determining the outcome. It also provides a cooling off period to reduce the tendency to approve an idea just because it happens to be the moment's trend. You've probably already guessed that the Tennessee legislature did not hold off on voting for the amendment until after the next election, and you'd be right - they didn't; hence, they acted upon it illegally before they were authorized to do so. They also violated their own state constitution by failing to read the resolution on three different days as prescribed by Article II, Section 18. These state constitutional violations make their approval of the amendment null and void. Their approval is and was invalid, and it brings the number of approving states down to 35, one less than required for ratification.

Texas and Louisiana violated provisions in their state constitutions prohibiting the legislatures from empowering the federal government with any additional taxing authority. Now the number is down to 33.

Twelve other states, besides Tennessee, violated provisions in their constitutions requiring that a bill be read on three different days before voting on it. This is not a trivial requirement. It allows for a cooling off period; it enables members who may be absent one day to be present on another; it allows for a better familiarity with, and understanding of, the measure under consideration, since some members may not always read a bill or resolution before voting on it (believe it or not!). States violating this procedure were: Mississippi, Ohio, Arkansas, Minnesota, New Mexico, West Virginia, Indiana, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Colorado, and Illinois. Now the number is reduced to 21 states legally ratifying the amendment.

When Secretary Knox transmitted the proposed amendment to the states, official certified and sealed copies were sent. Likewise, when state results were returned to Knox, it was required that the documents, including the resolution that was actually approved, be properly certified, signed, and sealed by the appropriate official(s). This is no more than any ordinary citizen has to do in filing any legal document, so that it's authenticity is assured; otherwise it is not acceptable and is meaningless. How much more important it is to authenticate a constitutional amendment! Yet a number of states did not do this, returning uncertified, unsigned, and/or unsealed copies, and did not rectify their negligence even after being reminded and warned by Knox. The most egregious offenders were Ohio, California, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Minnesota - which did not send any copy at all, so Knox could not have known what they even voted on! Since four of these states were already disqualified above, California is now subtracted from the list of valid approvals, reducing it to 20.

These last five states, along with Kentucky and Oklahoma, have particularly strong implications with regard to the fraud charge against Knox, in that he cannot be excused for not knowing they shouldn't have been counted. Why was he in such a hurry? Why did he not demand that they send proper documentation? They never did.

Further review would make the list dwindle down much more, but with the number down to 20, sixteen fewer than required, this is a suitable place to rest, without getting into the matter of several states whose constitutions limited the taxing authority of their legislatures, which could not give to the federal govern authority they did not have.

The results from the six states Knox had not heard from at the time he made his proclamation do not affect the conclusion that the amendment was not legally ratified. Of those six: two (Virginia and Pennsylvania) he never did hear from, because they ignored the proposed amendment; Florida rejected it; two others (Vermont and Massachusetts) had rejected it much earlier by recorded votes, but, strangely, submitted to the Secretary within a few days of his ratification proclamation that they had passed it (without recorded votes); West Virginia had purportedly approved it at the end of January 1913, but its notification had not yet been received (remember that West Virginia had violated its own constitution, as noted above)."

I am aware of counter argument:

http://www.quatloos.com/bill_benson_debunked.htm

"
Bill Benson Debunked

Posted by Yeti Man 48 on the Diligizer Board

"Bill Benson's findings, published in "The Law That Never Was," make a convincing case that the 16th amendment was not legally ratified and that Secretary of State Philander Knox was not merely in error, but committed fraud when he declared it ratified in February 1913. What follows is a summary of some of the major findings for many of the states, showing that their ratifications were not legal and should not have been counted.

The 16th amendment had been sent out in 1909 to the state governors for ratification by the state legislatures after having been passed by Congress. There were 48 states at that time, and three-fourths, or 36, of them were required to give their approval in order for it to be ratified. The process took almost the whole term of the Taft administration, from 1909 to 1913"

Truth: In 1909 there were only 46 states. This is important because it changes the number of states necessary to ratify a new amendment. With 48 states 36 votes were needed. With 46 states only 35 votes. On January 6, 1912, New Mexico was admitted to the Union as the 47th state. On February 14, 1912 Arizona became the 48th state in the union. Since Arizona and New Mexico joined the Union after the amendment was sent for ratification by the states they did not have to vote on ratification.

Knox had received responses from 42 states when he declared the 16th amendment ratified on February 25, 1913, just a few days before leaving office to make way for the administration of Woodrow Wilson. Knox acknowledged that four of those states (Utah, Conn, R.I. and N.H.) had rejected it, and he counted 38 states as having approved it. We will now examine some of the key evidence Bill Benson found regarding the approval of the amendment in many of those states.

In Kentucky, the legislature acted on the amendment without even having received it from the governor (the governor of each state was to transmit the proposed amendment to the state legislature). Truth: This is not true as presented. The governor at that time had only to RECOMMEND the amendment for passage, not physically transmit to the legistlature.

The version of the amendment that the Kentucky legislature made up and acted upon omitted the words "on income" from the text, so they weren't even voting on an income tax! When they straightened that out (with the help of the governor), the Kentucky senate rejected the amendment. Yet Philander Knox counted Kentucky as approving it. Truth: Again, not true as presented. The legislature of Kentucky as a whole passed the proposed amendment after the correction was made. In fact, the Kentucky Senate voted to reject the entire sentence suggested by the governor, but accepted the change when the governor made a change in sentence structure.

In Oklahoma, the legislature changed the wording of the amendment so that its meaning was virtually the opposite of what was intended by Congress, and this was the version they sent back to Knox. Yet Knox counted Oklahoma as approving it, despite a memo from his chief legal counsel, Reuben Clark, that states were not allowed to change it in any way. Truth: Even if Oklahoma didn't count, which was debated in a federal appeals court and Oklahoma's vote upheld, there were still enough votes that it would pass today.

Attorneys who have studied the subject have agreed that Kentucky and Oklahoma should not have been counted as approvals by Philander Knox, and, moreover, if any state could be shown to have violated its own state constitution or laws in its approval process, then that state's approval would have to be thrown out. That gets us past the "presumptive conclusion" argument, which says that the actions of an executive official cannot be judged by a court, and admits that Knox could be wrong. Truth: Note that Benson says "attorneys" without identifying who they were, their bona fides for their decisions, or even how many. What Benson fails to say in his article is that the votes of Kentucky and Oklahoma were upheld on appeal.

If we subtract Kentucky and Oklahoma from the 38 approvals above, the count of valid approvals falls to 36, the exact number needed for ratification. If any more states can be shown to have had invalid approvals, the 16th amendment must be regarded as null and void. Truth: Since Benson has not shown that Kentucky and Oklahoma should not count, and since courts at the time of voting say they should count, we cannot deduct Kentucky and Oklahoma from the vote count.

The state constitution of Tennessee prohibited the state legislature from acting on any proposed amendment to the U.S. Constitution sent by Congress until after the next election of state legislators. The intent, of course, is to give the proposed amendment a chance to become an issue in the state legislative elections so that the people can have a voice in determining the outcome. It also provides a cooling off period to reduce the tendency to approve an idea just because it happens to be the moment's trend. You've probably already guessed that the Tennessee legislature did not hold off on voting for the amendment until after the next election, and you'd be right - they didn't; hence, they acted upon it illegally before they were authorized to do so. They also violated their own state constitution by failing to read the resolution on three different days as prescribed by Article II, Section 18. These state constitutional violations make their approval of the amendment null and void. Their approval is and was invalid, and it brings the number of approving states down to 35, one less than required for ratification. Truth: [What Benson did not tell us here was that the US Supreme Court threw out that section of Tennessee Law because it removed due process from the other states. The Supreme Court overthrew that section of Tennessee law in 1897.[/b]

Texas and Louisiana violated provisions in their state constitutions prohibiting the legislatures from empowering the federal government with any additional taxing authority. Now the number is down to 33. Truth: Benson here is trying to assert that the 16th amendment was a additional, or new, taxing authority. It was not, rather, it was simply asserting autority granted to Congress but used only sparingly until then. There was an income tax in 1845, another one 1861, and yet another in 1898. the amendment was written to make the income a permanent fixture.

Twelve other states, besides Tennessee, violated provisions in their constitutions requiring that a bill be read on three different days before voting on it. This is not a trivial requirement. It allows for a cooling off period; it enables members who may be absent one day to be present on another; it allows for a better familiarity with, and understanding of, the measure under consideration, since some members may not always read a bill or resolution before voting on it (believe it or not!). States violating this procedure were: Mississippi, Ohio, Arkansas, Minnesota, New Mexico, West Virginia, Indiana, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Colorado, and Illinois. Now the number is reduced to 21 states legally ratifying the amendment. Truth: Again, we have Benson stating that these states violated their rules about how a vote should be held but basing his claim on his interpretation what those laws mean. He provides no proof whatsoever that his interpretation is the correct one, while the states mentioned all voted in accordance with their understanding of the law.

When Secretary Knox transmitted the proposed amendment to the states, official certified and sealed copies were sent. Likewise, when state results were returned to Knox, it was required that the documents, including the resolution that was actually approved, be properly certified, signed, and sealed by the appropriate official(s). This is no more than any ordinary citizen has to do in filing any legal document, so that it's authenticity is assured; otherwise it is not acceptable and is meaningless. How much more important it is to authenticate a constitutional amendment! Yet a number of states did not do this, returning uncertified, unsigned, and/or unsealed copies, and did not rectify their negligence even after being reminded and warned by Knox. The most egregious offenders were Ohio, California, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Minnesota - which did not send any copy at all, so Knox could not have known what they even voted on! Since four of these states were already disqualified above, California is now subtracted from the list of valid approvals, reducing it to 20.

These last five states, along with Kentucky and Oklahoma, have particularly strong implications with regard to the fraud charge against Knox, in that he cannot be excused for not knowing they shouldn't have been counted. Why was he in such a hurry? Why did he not demand that they send proper documentation? They never did.

Further review would make the list dwindle down much more, but with the number down to 20, sixteen fewer than required, this is a suitable place to rest, without getting into the matter of several states whose constitutions limited the taxing authority of their legislatures, which could not give to the federal govern authority they did not have.

The results from the six states Knox had not heard from at the time he made his proclamation do not affect the conclusion that the amendment was not legally ratified. Of those six: two (Virginia and Pennsylvania) he never did hear from, because they ignored the proposed amendment; Florida rejected it; two others (Vermont and Massachusetts) had rejected it much earlier by recorded votes, but, strangely, submitted to the Secretary within a few days of his ratification proclamation that they had passed it (without recorded votes); West Virginia had purportedly approved it at the end of January 1913, but its notification had not yet been received (remember that West Virginia had violated its own constitution, as noted above).

Truth: Every court in which a tax protestor has used arguments raised by Benson has upheld the votes of the 38 states ratifying the amendment (only three states' votes were challenged at the time) and Benson's arguments have lost every time used. Benson brought arguments that other highly knowledgeable people, including Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, could have made against the amendment. No one, except a few in the states already mentioned, did so. Benson, who admittedly is not a constitutional expert, and who admittedly did not obtain copies of the state laws of every state he says violated its laws to pass the amendment, is simply one more tax protestor who thought he had found a clever way to avoid paying the tax. He was wrong.
"

Having read the above I am left with scepticism as to whether 16th amendment properly ratified primarily due to the lack of academic rigour in counter argument and the lack of supportive evidence. Given the tendency of government to usurp power whenever possible, I believe I am justified in my views.

Moreover, I invite you to check out this page
FEDS DESPERATE TO SHUT UP BILL BENSON
http://www.newswithviews.com/Devvy/kidd126.htm

Check this pdf out, USA suing Bill for making the claim 16th wasnt ratified.
http://www.devvy.com/pdf/16th_final.pdf

Very detailed information in the document above.




Jury nullification occurs when a jury acknowledges a law, but disregards it for what they feel are more compelling reasons. This has absolutely nothing to do with constitutionality - if the income tax was unconstitutional, juries should rule against it, and would not nullify anything. What you are arguing is that juries should disregard the opinion of every single legal authority and instead say the constitution says something which it explicitly does not.

Hell, why we're at that why don't we just throw atheists in prison and then make specious legal arguments that it's okay because atheism isn't a religion under the free exercise clause, and then use jury nullification to uphold it. Jury nullification isn't a magic ticket where you get to write in whatever rights or lack-thereof you feel like filling in; and this falls right into that category. For someone who purportedly really cares about the Constitution and the set of checks and balances it laid out, you appear to basically be willing to say "SOD OFF" to the judicial branch when it tries to enforce a law which Congress amended the Constitution to allow because you don't like it.

Think about that - Congress, following the principles in the Constitution, amended the Constitution to explicitly allow for a non-apportioned income tax. This was ratified by the states, and both houses. The judiciary, acting as an arbiter of laws, correctly interpreted the amendment to allow for an income tax, and upheld the subsequent laws Congress passed following the 16th amendment. The will of the people, reflected in both Congress and the states passed a law you don't like. Your response? "Screw them all, we should just ignore it. And we should remove funding from any judge who applies the Constitution as it is written".

That's not the rule of law, and that's not respecting the Constitution. That's throwing a petulant little fit, and a tremendously shortsighted one at that. I am reminded of a famous quote which you might want to reflect on:

[TheEvilDetector]

Bill offers a very comprehensive argument, I highlighted a few portions
http://www.devvy.com/pdf/16th_final.pdf

1
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
NORTHERN DISTRICT OF ILLINOIS
EASTERN DIVISION
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ) CASE NO. 04C 7403
)
Plaintiff, ) Judge Filip
)
v. ) Magistrate Judge Keys
)
WILLIAM J. BENSON, )
)
Defendant. )
____________________________________)
DEFENDANT’S “THE LAW THAT NEVER WAS” BRIEF
Comes now Defendant, William J. Benson, by and through his undersigned attorney, who
respectfully submits this brief pursuant to the court’s briefing schedule.
INTRODUCTION
The United States asserts that Defendant Benson falsely claims the Sixteenth Amendment
to the United States Constitution was not properly ratified by the several States, and he should be
enjoined, therefore, from making that claim. (Complaint, Doc. 1, ¶ 8.) Benson responds that his
speech is absolutely true. A clearly defined factual question has thus been presented to the Court
for resolution, namely: is Benson’s speech regarding the Sixteenth Amendment true or false?
At the outset of this litigation commenced by the United States, Benson challenged
whether this Court had jurisdiction to decide the truth or falsity of Benson’s statement. (Motion
to Dismiss, Doc. 11.) Benson also asserted that he would be deprived of due process of law if
any conclusive presumption regarding the Sixteenth Amendment’s ratification were applied
against him to this fact question. See id. In denying Benson’s motion, the Court concluded it did
have jurisdiction to determine whether or not the Sixteenth Amendment had been properly
2
ratified, and to avoid the due process problem, also authorized Benson to submit a 25-page brief
“regarding history on ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment.” (Minute Order, Doc. 26.)
I. Section 205 of the Revised Statutes and the So-Called “Enrolled Bill Rule,” to the
Extent they Impose Conclusive Presumptions as to State Ratification of Proposed
Constitutional Amendments, are Contrary to Article V of the Constitution of the
United States and Cannot Stand.
Article V of the United States Constitution requires the legislatures of three fourths of the
several States to ratify a proposed constitutional amendment. Anything less constitutes a failed
attempt to amend the Constitution. See Field v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649, 669 (1892). Government
officials of thirty-six out of forty-eight states sending certificates to Washington, D.C. stating
that their particular legislature has ratified a proposed amendment is simply not good enough.
Each legislature must have, in fact, ratified the proposed constitutional amendment.
Significantly here, Defendant Benson – and indeed the American People – cannot be subject to a
direct tax on their property without apportionment unless the Sixteenth Amendment has actually
been ratified. Pollock v. Farmers’ Loan & Trust Co., 157 U.S. 429, aff. reh., 158 U.S. 601
(1895).
Defendant’s Benson’s book, The Law That Never Was, shows that Secretary of State
Knox and his solicitor looked at “official notices”1 from the States, and duly noted that the
certificates contained “substantial” errors, as well as lesser errors in spelling, punctuation, and
1 Section 205 of the Revised Statutes stated, at the time relevant hereto:
Whenever official notice is received at the Department of State that any
amendment proposed to the Constitution of the United States has been adopted,
according to the provisions of the Constitution, the Secretary of State shall
forthwith cause the amendment to be published in the newspapers authorized to
promulgate the laws, with his certificate, specifying the States by which the same
may have been adopted, and that the same has become valid, to all intents and
purposes, as a part of the Constitution of the United States.
3
capitalization. In the face of these significant defects, however, Knox concluded that because a
State has no power to amend a proposed amendment, a presumption arose that such errors were
mere mistakes in recitation on the certificates. Quite to the contrary, as Benson’s Motion to
Dismiss proved, the State of Oklahoma did intentionally attempt to amend the proposed
Sixteenth Amendment. That showing established that Secretary of State Knox did not have
reliable proof before him of the proposed amendment’s ratification, and furthermore, that the
administratively convenient presumption as to mere “recitation” errors was wholly incorrect and
worked a fraud.
In discussing the effect of the Secretary of State receiving the “official notice[s]”
referenced in Rev. Stat. § 205, the Seventh Circuit observed, citing to Leser v. Garnett, 258 U.S.
130, 137 (1922), that: “[O]fficial notice to the Secretary, duly authenticated, that they had done
so [ratified the nineteenth amendment] was conclusive upon him, and, being certified to by his
proclamation, is conclusive upon the courts.” United States v. Foster, 789 F.2d 457, 462-63
(1986).
In Leser, the United States Supreme Court opined:
The proclamation by the Secretary certified that from official documents on file in
the Department of State it appeared that the proposed Amendment was ratified by
the legislature of thirty-six States, and that it “has become valid to all intents and
purposes as a part of the Constitution of the United States.” As the legislatures of
Tennessee and of West Virginia had power to adopt the resolutions of ratification,
official notice to the Secretary, duly authenticated, that they had done so was
conclusive upon him, and, being certified to by his proclamation, is conclusive
upon the courts. The rule declared in Field v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649, 669-673, is
applicable here.
Leser, 258 U.S. at 137.
4
In Field, it was alleged that the enrolled bill at issue omitted a part of the act actually
passed by Congress, and therefore the entire law was a nullity. Field, 143 U.S. at 668-69. The
Appellants argued there:
[T]hat a bill, signed by the speaker of the house of representatives and by the
president of the senate, presented to and approved by the president of the United
States, and delivered by the latter to the secretary of state, as an act passed by
congress, does not become a law of the United States if it had not in fact been
passed by congress.
Id.
And the Supreme Court absolutely agreed:
In view of the express requirements of the constitution, the correctness of this
general principle cannot be doubted. There is no authority in the presiding officers
of the house of representatives and the senate to attest by their signatures, not in
the president to approve, nor in the secretary of state to receive and cause to be
published, as a legislative act, any bill not passed by congress.
Id.
Immediately after recognizing this uncontroversial bedrock principle, however, the Field
Court chose to ignore it based on nothing more than Justice Story’s rather incidental comment
regarding the political reasons for keeping legislative journals. Field, 143 U.S. at 671 (citing 2
Story, Const. §§ 840-41):
The signing by the speaker of the house of representatives, and by the president of
the senate, in open session, of an enrolled bill, is an official attestation by the two
houses of such bill as one that has passed congress. It is a declaration by the two
houses, through their presiding officers, to the president, that a bill, thus attested,
has received, in due form, the sanction of the legislative branch of the
government, and that it is delivered to him in obedience to the constitutional
requirement that all bills which pass congress shall be presented to him. And
when a bill, thus attested, receives his approval, and is deposited in the public
archives, its authentication as a bill that has passed congress should be deemed
complete and unimpeachable. As the president has no authority to approve a bill
not passed by congress, an enrolled act in the custody of the secretary of state, and
having the official attestations of the speaker of the house of representatives, of
the president of the senate, and of the president of the United States, carries on its
face a solemn assurance by the legislative and executive departments of the
5
government, charged, respectively, with the duty of enacting and executing the
laws, that it was passed by congress. The respect due to coequal and independent
departments requires the judicial department to act upon that assurance, and to
accept, as having passed congress, all bills authenticated in the manner stated;
leaving the courts to determine, when the question properly arises, whether the act
so authenticated, is in conformity with the constitution.
Field, 143 U.S. at 672.
In an apparent attempt to further justify its doctrinal departure, the Court explained:
But the contention is that it cannot be regarded as a law of the United States if the
journal of either house fails to show that it passed in the precise form in which it
was signed by the presiding officers of the two houses, and approved by the
president. It is said that, under any other view, it becomes possible for the
speaker of the house of representatives and the president of the senate to impose
upon the people as a law a bill that was never passed by congress. But this
possibility is too remote to be seriously considered in the present inquiry. It
suggests a deliberate conspiracy to which the presiding officers, the committees
on enrolled bills, and the clerks of the two houses must necessarily be parties, all
acting with a common purpose to defeat an expression of the popular will in the
mode prescribed by the constitution. Judicial action, based upon such a
suggestion, is forbidden by the respect due to a co-ordinate branch of the
government.
The evils that may result from the recognition of the principle that an enrolled act,
in the custody of the secretary of state, attested by the signatures of the presiding
officers of the two houses of congress, and the approval of the president, is
conclusive evidence that it was passed by congress, according to the forms of the
constitution, would be far less than those that would certainly result from a rule
making the validity of congressional enactments depend upon the manner in
which the journals of the respective houses are kept by the subordinate officers
charged with the duty of keeping them.
Id. at 672-73.
However much the Supreme Court was concerned over supposed policy “evils” and felt
compelled to defer to politicians, it was duty-bound to act as a check and balance on the other
two branches of government – particularly in a matter of such fundamental importance as
amending the founding document that created the three branches of national government in the
6
first place. 2 Moreover, the simple but important fact remains that Article V of the Constitution
of the United States demands actual passage of a proposed constitutional amendment. To the
extent that Field, Leser, the so-called “enrolled bill rule,” or Rev. Stat. § 205 seek to allow a
proposed amendment not actually passed by the legislatures of three-fourths of the States to
become an actual constitutional amendment, they are anathema to fundamental principles of
constitutional law and ordered democratic liberty, and cannot stand.
The Field Court cited to various authorities for its opinion; for example, quoting Chief
Justice Beasely in Pangborn v. Young:
[I]t was impossible for the mind not to incline to the opinion that the framers of
the constitution, in exacting the keeping of the journals, did not design to create
records that were to be the ultimate and conclusive evidence of the conformity of
legislative action to the constitutional provisions relating to the enactment of laws.
Field, 143 U.S. 673-74 (citing Pangborn v. Young, 32 N.J. Law 29, 37.)3
With all respect to the contrary, it is actually impossible for the mind not to incline exactly
opposite; namely, that by exacting the keeping of legislative journals as well as mandating the
only procedure by which law could be made, the framers unambiguously created the ultimate
and conclusive evidence of the conformity of legislative action to constitutional requirements.
After all, what other acceptable mechanism is there? The mere administrative proclamation of
the Secretary of State, using his own presumptions of regularity, even in the face of substantial
evidence to the contrary, even fraud? Apparently so, according to the Field Court:
In Sherman v. Story, 30 Cal. 253, 276 [sic], the whole subject was carefully
considered. The court, speaking through Mr. Justice SAWYER, said: “Better, far
better, that a provision should occasionally find its way into the statute through
mistake, or even fraud, than that every act, state and national, should, at any and
all times, be liable to be put in issue and impeached by the journals, loose papers
of the legislature, and parol evidence.”
2 See The Federalist Papers, Nos. 47 and 51.
3 The Westlaw cite for Pangborn is: 1866 WL 3640.
7
Field, 143 U.S. at 675 (quoting Sherman v. Story, 30 Cal. 253, 275 (1866)).
Contrary to those rather shocking anti-democratic assertions, it is never better for the
government to act without actual constitutional authority in a constitutional republic. See
Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1 (1824) (analyzing the repugnancy of a state law conflicting with a
federal law over which the Constitution granted the federal government either exclusive or
concurrent authority); M’Culloch v. State of Maryland, 17 U.S. 316, 407 (1819); Marbury v.
Madison, 1 Cranch 137 (1803). Even the Field Court, though, recognized an exception existed
where some express constitutional or statutory provision required some relaxation of the rule of
conclusivity, in order that full effect might be given to such provisions. Moreover, the Field
Court recognized that subsequent to the California Supreme Court Sherman decision, California
adopted a new state constitution under which the legislative journals had been examined to
impeach an enrolled bill. Field, 143 U.S. 675-76 (citing County of San Mateo v Southern Pac. R.
R. Co., 8 Sawy. 238, 294, 13 Fed. Rep. 722 (1882)).
Article V of the Constitution of the United States is exactly that sort of express
constitutional provision, because it pertains to modifying the Supreme Law of the Land. And
that Supreme Law prohibits the federal government from exercising any power whatsoever
unless delegated to it by the Constitution. Gibbons, supra. Thus, one branch of government,
neither out of respect for another branch of government nor from concern over some perceived
evil, is entitled to declare the Supreme Law of the Land modified if in fact it was not modified.
Benson fully acknowledges the gravity of the questions before this Court and the weight
of responsibility to decide them, but no more so here than what Judge Patel faced in Korematsu
v. United States, 584 F.Supp. 1406 (N.D.Ca. 1984). There, upon a showing of Executive
Department fraud, and calling into question two previously decided Supreme Court Decisions
8
regarding issues of a statute’s constitutionality, a writ issued to correct a fraud that had been in
existence since 1942. As noted by Chief Justice Burger in Walz v. Tax Commission of City of
New York, 397 U.S. 664, 678 (1970): “It is obviously correct that no one acquires a vested or
protected right in violation of the Constitution by long use, even when that span of time covers
our entire national existence and indeed predates it.” That particularly includes the federal
government, which can never make an act proper if done in violation of the Constitution. The
two concepts are wholly contrary to each other. Gibbons, supra.
Subsequent to the decision in Leser, the U.S. Supreme Court was confronted with the
problem of statutes similar to Rev. Stat. § 205 – statutes that also create conclusive
presumptions. In Heiner v. Donnan, 285 U.S. 312 (1932), the Court considered the
constitutionality of an estate tax law which created a conclusive presumption that gifts made
within two years of death were presumed to have been made in contemplation of death, and
which consequently would include those gifts within an estate for estate tax purposes. Some
parties involved with an estate challenged this law as unconstitutional because it created a
conclusive presumption. The Supreme Court agreed:
[A] statute which imposes a tax upon an assumption of fact which the taxpayer is
forbidden to controvert is so arbitrary and unreasonable that it cannot stand under
the Fourteenth Amendment.
Heiner, 285 U.S. at 325.
The earlier revenue acts created a prima facie presumption, which was made
irrebuttable by the later act of 1926. A rebuttable presumption clearly is a rule of
evidence which has the effect of shifting the burden of proof, Mobile, J. & K. C.
R. Co. v. Turnipseed, 219 U.S. 35, 43 (1912); and it is hard to seen how a
statutory rebuttable presumption is turned from a rule of evidence into a rule of
substantive law as the result of a later statute making it conclusive. In both cases
it is a substitute for proof; in the one open to challenge and disproof, and in the
other conclusive. However, whether the latter presumption be treated as a rule of
evidence or of substantive law, it constitutes an attempt, by legislative fiat, to
enact into existence a fact which here does not, and cannot be made to, exist in
9
actuality, and the result is the same, unless we are ready to overrule the
Schlesinger Case, as we are not; for that case dealt with a conclusive
presumption, and the court held it invalid without regard to the question of its
technical characterization. This court has held more than once that a statute
creating a presumption which operates to deny a fair opportunity to rebut it
violates the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. For example,
Bailey v. Alabama, 219 U.S. 219 , 238, et seq., 31 S. Ct. 145; Manley v. Georgia,
279 U.S. 1 , 5-6, 49 S. Ct. 215. “It is apparent,” this court said in the Bailey Case
( 219 U.S. 239 , 31 S. Ct. 145, 151) “that a constitutional prohibition cannot be
transgressed indirectly by the creation of a statutory presumption any more than it
can be violated by direct enactment. The power to create presumptions is not a
means of escape from constitutional restrictions.”
If a legislative body is without power to enact as a rule of evidence a statute
denying a litigant the right to prove the facts of his case, certainly the power
cannot be made to emerge by putting the enactment in the guise of a rule of
substantive law.
Heiner, 285 U.S. at 329. See also Schlesinger v. State of Wisconsin, 270 U.S. 230 (1926); Tot v.
United States, 319 U.S. 463, 468 -469 (1943) (“But the due process clauses of the Fifth and
Fourteenth Amendments set limits upon the power of Congress or that of a state legislature to
make the proof of one fact or group of facts evidence of the existence of the ultimate fact on
which guilt is predicated”); Vlandis v. Kline, 412 U.S. 441, (1973) (“Statutes creating permanent
irrebuttable presumptions have long been disfavored under the Due Process Clauses of the Fifth
and Fourteenth Amendments”); United States v. Bowen, 414 F.2d 1268, 1273 (3rd Cir. 1969)
(“We believe the regulation to be unconstitutional as violative of the due process clause of the
Fifth Amendment insofar as it purports to establish such an irrebuttable presumption . . . No
administrative agency, nor even a legislature, may make the proof of one fact conclusive proof of
another fact in any proceeding, civil or criminal, to the detriment of a private party”); United
States v. Simmons, 476 F.2d 33, 37 (9th Cir. 1973); United States v. Perry, 474 F.2d 983, 984
(10th Cir. 1973); United States v. Lake, 482 F.2d 146 (9th Cir. 1973); and United States v.
Belgrave, 484 F.2d 915 (3rd Cir. 1973).
10
If the presumption of the Secretary of State’s solicitor is irrebuttable – namely, that
because a State is unable to amend a proposed constitutional amendment, none of them did so –
such that facts to the contrary cannot be shown, then such irrebuttable presumption violates wellsettled
due process principles. So too, if Rev. Stat. § 205 and the enrolled bill rule create an
irrebuttable presumption that a sufficient number of States actually ratified the proposed
Sixteenth Amendment, such that facts to the contrary cannot be shown, then such irrebuttable
presumption violates due process of law as well as Article V of the Constitution of the United
States.
II. Proof that the Proposed Sixteenth Amendment was not Ratified by Three-Fourths
of the Legislatures of the Several Union States, in Violation of Article V of the
Constitution of the United States.
In connection with this Court’s review of Benson’s book, The Law That Never Was,
Benson points to the following States as demonstrating the most egregious ratification violations,
although other significant violations are detailed in his book.
A. Acknowledged Rejectments
Forty-eights states were in the Union in 1909. The memorandum of Secretary of State
Knox’s solicitor acknowledged the Secretary only received information from forty-two states,
and of those, the States of Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Utah rejected the
proposed Sixteenth Amendment. (LNW, pp. 6-7.) A review of that memorandum demands the
conclusion that no “official notice” of passage was received from the six states of Florida, West
Virginia, Virginia, Vermont, Massachusetts or Pennsylvania.
Secretary of State Knox’s Proclamation of Ratification, dated February 25, 1913,
pursuant to Rev. Stat. § 205, accounted for thirty-six states, the minimum for ratification, and did
not count the ten States of Utah, New Mexico, Florida, West Virginia, Virginia, New Jersey,
11
Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Hampshire or Vermont. Of those ten states, Utah, Florida,
Connecticut and Rhode Island had rejected the proposed Amendment, there is no record of what
Virginia did, and there is no record of a vote by the Vermont legislature. New Mexico and New
Jersey attempted to ratify. West Virginia and New Hampshire each attempted to ratify, but after
the February 25, 1913 date of Knox’s Proclamation.4
B. Failures to Vote for Ratification
Kentucky: The Kentucky Senate did not vote on the same language as did the Kentucky
House (H.R. 4), the words “on incomes” being omitted in the Senate. (LNW, p. 38.) The
resolution was then engrossed again and sent back to the Senate. This time, however, the word
“source” was changed to “sources.” (LNW, p. 39.) The Senate voted not to pass the resolution,
9 yeas, 22 nays. (NW, p. 40.) Non-proper ratification being noted by the Governor, a second
attempt was made. The House voted to pass H. Res. 20, but the Senate refused to take up and
vote on the resolution. (LNW, p. 42-43.)
Kansas: The Kansas Senate voted on S.C.R. No. 2 and forwarded it to the House. The
House made a substitution out of their Committee on the Judiciary, which passed the House.
There is no record that the substitute was voted on by the Senate. (LNW, pp. 162-164.)
Tennessee: S.J.R. No. 14 was amended by the Senate Committee on Constitutional
Amendments and the Senate voted on a motion to allow said amendment to substitute for the
original, but there was no vote on whether the substitute should be ratified. (LNW, pp. 213-214.)
Vermont: There is no record of the House ever affirmatively voting to ratify the
proposed amendment. (LNW, pp. 289-298.)
4 U.S. Senate Document No. 240, 71st Congress, purporting to set forth facts of the
ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment contains numerous errors and cannot be relied
upon.
12
C. Intentional Amendments and Language Differences in the State Ratification
Process Render the Sixteenth Amendment’s Alleged Ratification Null and
Void.
Oklahoma: The Senate of the State of Oklahoma intentionally amended the proposed
Sixteenth Amendment to read: “The Congress shall have power to lay on collect taxes on
incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several states, and
from any census or enumeration.” (LNW, pp. 63-65.)
Missouri: The proposed Sixteenth Amendment was intentionally amended, replacing the
word “lay” with the word “levy.” (LNW, p. 191.)
Washington: The Washington Senate intentionally changed the word “incomes” to
“income.” Punctuation was also intentionally changed. (LNW, p. 114.)
South Dakota: Both Houses of the South Dakota Legislature voted to ratify a joint
resolution that left out the initial word “The.” (LNW, pp. 240-241.)
Arkansas: Both Houses of the Arkansas Legislature voted to ratify a joint resolution that
left out the initial word “The.” (LNW, pp. 219-221.)
Idaho: Both Houses of the Idaho Legislature voted to ratify a joint resolution that
changed the word “or” to the word “of” before the word “enumeration.” (LNW, p. 101.)
California: Both Houses of the California Legislature voted to ratify a joint resolution
that left out the initial word “The” and the word “or” before the word “enumeration.” (LNW, p.
120.)
Maryland: Both Houses of the Maryland Legislature voted to ratify a joint resolution
that left out the word “and” before the word “without.” (NW, p. 70.)
Discussion: This much is not beyond dispute: if the speaker of the House attested to a
bill as passed the House and the President of the Senate attested to a bill as passed the Senate, but
13
the bills were not identical in form and phraseology, no executive official could call the bill
ratified. “At the heart of the notion of bicameralism is the requirement that any bill must be
passed by both Houses of Congress in exactly the same form.” City of New York v. Clinton, 985
F.Supp. 168, 178 (D.D.C. 1998).
Consider a case where a secretary of state – charged with publishing properly enrolled
bills – published a bill that did not conform to the exact language as passed by both houses of a
state legislature. The court issued a writ of prohibition precluding the secretary from publishing
the bill and declared the bill void:
Elementary principles of government show that [the bill in dispute] never took
effect as law. The senate and the house must agree on the exact text of any
bill before they may send it to the governor. There may not be the slightest
variance . . .
Ashcroft v. Blunt, 696 S.W.2d 329, 331 (Mo. 1985) (emphasis added).
The Court went even further, noting the limits on the authority of so-called
“authenticating” officers and cabining the discretion of such executive authority:
No clerical employee has the authority to make any addition, deletion or
modification in a bill as passed by both houses. Nor does it make any difference
that the bill signed by the governor was the one signed by the speaker of the house
and the president pro tempore of the senate and duly transmitted to him by the
senate. The authenticating officers have no more authority than does an
enrolling clerk to make any change in the bill passed by the houses.
Id. (emphasis added).
When it is shown by unassailable proof, including the journals of the houses, that
the bill signed by the governor was not passed by the houses, the bill is a nullity
and the secretary of state has no discretion. He may not publish the bill as law.
Id. (emphasis added).
The court properly captured the nature of bicameralism: the necessity that the language
as passed by both houses be the exact text from each body and that there may not be the slightest

[TheEvilDetector]

14
variance between the text of the two. Mere clerical errors are sometimes enough, though many
of these states have done so by modification of the enrolled bill rule:
The bill which was signed by the presiding officers of the two branches of the
Legislature and approved by the Governor was palpably not the one passed to be
engrossed. The bill as passed to be engrossed was never enacted or approved by
the Governor and was a nullity.
Carnegie Institute of Medicine v. Approving Authority for Schools, 213 N.E.2d 225, 228 (Mass.
1965); see also State v. Fridley, 616 P.2d 94 (Ariz. App. 1980); In re Kornbluh, 49 A.2d 255
(N.J. 1946); Messer v. Jackson, 171 So. 660 (Fla. 1936); State v. Laiche, 29 So. 700 (La. 1901).
Bicameralism took root in the federal legislative system to insure the temporal instinct of
transient majorities expressed by the House was tempered with the presumed calmer judgment of
the senatorial class, while simultaneously insuring the majority of the country’s people found a
voice, but that each of the independent state sovereigns found their voice as well, with
population-based representation to be checked by state-based representation. See The Federalist,
No. 39.
The federal/state bicameralism captured in Article V would seem to warrant the same
requisite standard, or more so, as the standard of bicameralism (identical language in each bill
authored either by the chosen agents of those bodies, or, as evinced in the journals of those
legislatures). The hyper-technical formalism of bicameralism is intentional: provide clear
guidance to the officials of the legislatures as to what will be a law, not substitute their judgment
for the judgment of the official chosen by those branches to represent their will, and insure that a
law is only a law when conforming to their exact intentions.
These precepts of bicameralism divested the courts of the authority to adjudicate, or
enforce, any legislative enactment that failed its threshold, but also insured that no one legislative
branch could have their version called the law over the objection of the other legislative branch
15
which passed a different textual law. In the same vein, one person’s “spelling error” is another
person’s intentional drafting of different legislation. The question then arises as to whether the
same rules govern Article V – the enrolled bill rule or the journal rule (which allows a peak
behind the bill’s authorship to the conduct of the legislative body at issue).
Benson urges that the journal rule must apply to the attempted modification of the
Constitution of the United States under Article V, with even more power than when applied to
mere state and federal legislative enactments. After all, the Supreme Law of the Land is at stake,
and variances in language cannot be countenanced, much less justified. The concept of
bicameralism applies to the acts of all the various legislative bodies and the slightest variance in
any proposed constitutional amendment language between those bodies bars any ministerial
official from labeling the proposed Amendment “ratified” within the meaning of Article V.
D. State Legislatures Violated State Constitutional and Legislative Rules
Regarding Proposed Sixteenth Amendment Ratification, Rendering
Inoperative any such Alleged Ratification.
Some States have specific state constitutional requirements for the ratification of
proposed constitutional amendments, while others do not. Most all the States have specific state
constitutional requirements for the passage of bills. Some of these states also include specific
state constitutional requirements for the passage of resolutions, joint resolutions and/or
concurrent resolutions. Some states have published Senate Rules, House Rules, and/or Joint
Legislative Rules regarding how a bill is passed. Some of these States specifically state those
rules apply to resolutions, some have special rules that apply only to resolutions, and some have
16
no rules that apply to resolutions.5 At all events, a summary of state constitutional and
legislative rules violations follows.
Arkansas: Ar. Const. art VI, § 16 requires every resolution in which the concurrence of
both houses of the General Assembly may be necessary to be presented to the Governor for
approval before it shall take effect, and if vetoed, the resolution must be re-passed. The
Governor vetoed S.J.R. 7 and the General Assembly did not re-pass it. (LNW, pp. 221-222.)
South Dakota: Senate Rule 47 requires all resolutions to lie on the table one day and be
then referred to the Committee on Rules. (Journal of the Senate, Twelfth Session, Fifth Day, R.
47 (January 7, 1911).) S.J.R. No. 5 did not lie on the table for one day, nor was it referred to the
Committee on Rules.
Kansas: Ks. Const. art II, § 128 requires each house to keep a journal and to record the
votes on resolutions. There is no recordation of the vote taken by the Senate on the House
substitute for S.C.R. No. 2.
Maryland: Maryland Rules of the Senate, Rule XXV, requires, after a resolution has
been read the second time, that the President of the Senate put the question whether the
resolution be engrossed for a third reading. Senate Rule XX requires resolutions be engrossed
for a third reading. (Secretary of State, Maryland Manual, Rules of the Senate, R. XX and XXV
(1909-1910).) In violation of these rules, the President of the Senate did not put the question, the
question did not go to vote, nor was H.J.R. No. 2 engrossed for a third reading.
Mississippi: On March 27, 1910, the House made it clear they regarded H.J.R. No. 14
the same as a “bill.” (LNW, p. 56.) Ms. Const. art IV, § 59 requires bills to be read a first and
5 Benson has custody of certified copies of the various States’ Constitutions and
Legislative Rules mentioned herein, all of which can be produced upon the court’s
request.
17
second time on two different days, and that they be read in full before the final vote on its
passage. The House did not read H.J.R. No. 14 a first and second time on two different days.
(LNW, pp. 55-56.) The Senate did not read H.J.R. No. 14 in full prior to the final vote. (LNW,
p. 57.)
Texas: Tx. Const. art. III, § 38 requires the presiding officer of each house to sign, in the
presence of each house over which he presides, all joints resolutions, after their titles have been
publicly read before signing, and the facts of signing shall be entered on the journals. There is
no record that the title was publicly read in the Senate. (LNW, p. 92.)
Montana: Mt. Const. art. V, § 27 requires the presiding officer of each house to sign, in
the presence of each house over which he presides, all joints resolutions, after their titles have
been publicly read, and the facts of signing shall be entered on the journals. There is no record
that the title was publicly read in the Senate. (LNW, p. 128.)
North Carolina: N.C. Const. art II, §14 provides that no law shall be passed to impose
any tax upon the people of the State unless the bill for that purpose has been read three several
times in each house, on three different days, and unless the yeas and nays on the second and third
readings of the bill shall have been entered on the journal. House Rule 53 provides that all
resolutions of a public nature shall be treated in all respects in a similar manner as public bills.
(A Manual of North Carolina for the use of Members of the General Assembly, Session 1913
(E.M. Uzzell & Co., State Printers (1913).) The Senate read the resolution the third time the
same day as the second reading, and did not record the yeas and nays of this vote in its journal.
(LNW, p. 148.)
Colorado: In Colorado, resolutions were to be treated by the Legislature the same as
bills. (Senate Rules Together with the Joint Rules Governing the House and Senate, Colorado,
18
1911, Senate Rules XV, section 3, Rule XXV, section 4, and Rule XXX, sections 1 and 2 (The
Smith-Brooks Printing Co., State Printers, 1911).) Senate Rule XXV, section 4 requires the final
question upon the second reading of every joint resolution originating in the Senate to be
whether it shall be engrossed and read a third time. Co. Const. art V, § 22 requires every bill to
be read at length, on three different days, in each House. The Senate failed to read S.C.R. No. 3
the second and third time, and thereby also violated Senate Rule XXV, section 4. (LNW, p. 169-
170.) Co. Const. art V, § 26 requires the presiding officer of each house to sign, in the presence
of each house over which he presides, all joint resolutions after their titles have been publicly
read, immediately before signing, and the facts of signing shall be entered on the journals.
Neither House publicly read the title of S.C.R. No. 3 immediately before signing.
Discussion: In those States that have specific state constitutional or legislative rules, two
questions must be asked. First, does proof of violation of those state rules mean the proposed
amendment was not, as a matter of law, ratified by one or another of the States’ legislative
bodies? That question is dispositively answered in the affirmative, in part by the bicameralism
discussion at Section C, ante, and in other part by well-settled state and federal authority
requiring strict compliance with procedural rules governing the creation of state and federal law.
Having answered the first question affirmatively, a second question arises: do those state
constitutional or legislative rules themselves violate Article V, by inhibiting the “federal”
function charged to the state legislatures in considering proposed federal constitutional
amendments? Of course not. The above-referenced state constitutional and legislative rules that
were violated during the Sixteenth Amendment ratification process did not impair the state
legislatures from considering the proposed amendment, they merely provided proper mandatory
procedures that the respective legislatives bodies had to follow during the course of their
19
deliberations and votes. Those rules, although seemingly technical, at first blush, preserve
fundamental democratic principles such as open government, honest legislative deliberation, and
regularity of process. The alternative would be legislative anarchy and citizen revolt.
Conceivably, though, a particular state constitutional provision or legislative rule might
indeed impair the “federal” function of state legislatures passing on proposed constitutional
amendments, such as a legislative bar on any consideration of such amendments. None of the
state rules violated in the Sixteenth Amendment ratification process, however, were of that type;
instead, as discussed above, these rules were generally applied to all matters of state legislative
consideration, and simply protected the citizens’ right to open and accountable government.
In Trombetta v. State of Florida, 353 F.Supp. 575 (D.C.Fla., 1973), the district court
found a part of Florida’s state constitution violative of Article V of the United States
Constitution. That Florida constitutional provision, similar to Article II, Section 32 of the
Constitution of the State of Tennessee in place at the relevant time, required a state general
assembly election after the submission of a proposed federal constitutional amendment. The
district court stated:
The Florida provision, however, leaves full authority in the legislature while
safeguarding the rights of a constituency to express itself concerning so vital a
matter as a change in the constitution. This, to me, is not only salutary but in
complete harmony with Article V. While the legislature, and only the legislature,
can perform the Federal function, it necessarily acts in such capacity as the agent
of the people of the state; or, indeed, it might not act at all. . .
Trombetta, 353 F. Supp. at 577.
Even the ambitious requirement of a state general assembly election upon submission of a
proposed federal constitutional amendment, in the court’s view, did not sufficiently impair the
“federal” state legislative function of proposed amendment consideration to fun afoul of Article
20
V. How much more so here, when dealing with basic rules of legislative procedure regarding the
making of law and the ratification of federal constitutional amendments.
CONCLUSION
As Secretary Knox’s solicitor stated in his Memorandum, “under the provision of the
Constitution a legislature is not authorized to alter in any way the amendment proposed by
Congress, the function of the legislature consisting merely in the right to approve or disapprove
the proposed amendment.” See Benson, The Law That Never Was (Constitutional Research
Assoc. 1985), p. 19 (hereinafter “LNW”). It is thus fundamental that if any State either
intentionally amended the proposed Sixteenth Amendment, or voted on something other than the
proposed amendment’s precise language, that State did not ratify the actual proposed
amendment. Well-settled bicameralism principles demand nothing less, and any improvident
authority to the contrary must be contextualized or set aside. Similarly, state constitutions and
legislatures should regulate the process by which federal constitutional amendments are
considered, so long as they do not impair the “federal” function, just as all other state and federal
law-making procedures are regulated, and have been, for hundreds of years. Anything less is an
invitation to bureaucratic tyranny by administrative fiat. Open and accountable government,
citizen confidence, and political stability are at stake, as Bill Benson knows so well.
Dated: July 28, 2005.
The Law Offices of Robert G. Bernhoft, S.C.
by: _________________________________
Jeffrey A. Dickstein
Attorney Pro Hac Vice
207 E. Buffalo Street, Suite 600
Milwaukee, WI 53202
(414) 276-3333
21
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
The undersigned hereby certifies that a copy of the foregoing document was sent to the
Plaintiff, by sending a copy to its attorney of record, by first class mail, postage paid, to the
following address:
Robert D. Metcalfe
Trial Attorney, Tax Division
U.S. Dept. of Justice
P.O. Box 7238
Ben Franklin Station
Washington, DC 20044
Dated: July 28, 2005
___________________________________
Daniel J. Treuden

[Truth Warrior]

Because the "average" American is just about as ignorant as a box of rocks. :rolleyes:

[jm1776]

I propose we review the facts at this point. Some of which have been discussed in this thread.

Fact: The "income" tax was first introduced in 1862 and the basic character of the tax has remained unchanged to this day.

Fact: The supreme court has consistently ruled that the "income" tax is constitutional.

Fact: The "income" tax existed prior to the 16th amendment and the 16th amendment gave congress no new taxing powers.

Fact: One part of the constitution can not overwrite or destroy another part. The 16th amendment does not change or alter Article I. section 8 or 9 of the constitution.

Fact: The 16th amendment is only relevant to "income" that was already taxable prior to the 16th amendment.

Fact: The "income" tax is constitutional because it is an indirect tax.

Fact: There is a (body of) law which creates liability for the "income" tax.

Fact: The IRS will accept your voluntary self assessment of liability for the tax even in cases when you are not actually liable for the tax.

Fact: The IRS will accept third party testimony as fact that you are liable for the tax.

Based on the facts we know that the "income" tax is an indirect tax. What type of indirect tax is it? It must be one of either a Duty, Impost or an Excise. I'll add another fact...

Fact: The "income" tax is an Excise tax.

So what is an excise tax? An excise tax is a tax on the exercise of a privilege. Therefore the "income" tax is a tax on the exercise of some type of privileged purchase or activity. Since we are discussing a tax relevant to "income" we must be discussing the exercise of a privileged activity which results in "income". Any activity which is a common right can not be construed as a privilege.

So, the real question(s) is: What privileged activity is being taxed here? And do you typically engage in that privileged activity during a given year? Does anyone submit third party testimony to the IRS that you engaged in taxable activity for a given year?

[Dr.3D]

I think the real question should be, what constitutes income?

[jm1776]

I think the real question should be, what constitutes income?

That is a good question and is really my first question phrased a different way. We might agree on this combination of the two.

What privileged activities result in receipts which are considered "income"?

While pondering that question it is helpful to remember that all of this started in the 1800's. Back then congress and the people had a much better understanding of our Constitution and the limited jurisdiction of the federal government.

[Dr.3D]

The next question might be, is corporate income defined the same way as individual income?

[Truth Warrior]

Another real question is why did the US Federal government implement a plank of the "Communist Manifesto" ( 1848 )? Same question is applicable for a "central bank" also? :rolleyes:

Hunh, even the same year, 1916. BEFORE WWI US "military" involvement ( foreign intervention ) ..... ( HINT! ;) )

[Mesogen]

FTFA:

By 1894, a majority in Congress came to support some form of income taxation. It passed a law which imposed a 2 percent flat tax on corporate net income, and on individual incomes in excess of $4,000 ($76,000 in 1998 dollars).

Compared to today, I'll take this.

2% of income above $76,000? You can have it gubmint. Since I don't make that much, fine by me. One day when I do, I won't miss 2% of it that much. Not like ~25% in FIT and FICA like now.

[Danke]

I propose we review the facts at this point. Some of which have been discussed in this thread.

Fact: The "income" tax was first introduced in 1862 and the basic character of the tax has remained unchanged to this day.

Fact: The supreme court has consistently ruled that the "income" tax is constitutional.

Fact: The "income" tax existed prior to the 16th amendment and the 16th amendment gave congress no new taxing powers.

Fact: One part of the constitution can not overwrite or destroy another part. The 16th amendment does not change or alter Article I. section 8 or 9 of the constitution.

Fact: The 16th amendment is only relevant to "income" that was already taxable prior to the 16th amendment.

Fact: The "income" tax is constitutional because it is an indirect tax.

Fact: There is a (body of) law which creates liability for the "income" tax.

Fact: The IRS will accept your voluntary self assessment of liability for the tax even in cases when you are not actually liable for the tax.

Fact: The IRS will accept third party testimony as fact that you are liable for the tax.

Based on the facts we know that the "income" tax is an indirect tax. What type of indirect tax is it? It must be one of either a Duty, Impost or an Excise. I'll add another fact...

Fact: The "income" tax is an Excise tax.

So what is an excise tax? An excise tax is a tax on the exercise of a privilege. Therefore the "income" tax is a tax on the exercise of some type of privileged purchase or activity. Since we are discussing a tax relevant to "income" we must be discussing the exercise of a privileged activity which results in "income". Any activity which is a common right can not be construed as a privilege.

So, the real question(s) is: What privileged activity is being taxed here? And do you typically engage in that privileged activity during a given year? Does anyone submit third party testimony to the IRS that you engaged in taxable activity for a given year?

+1776

[Truth Warrior]

TAXATION is armed robbery! Comply or die! Your choice.

Consistent resistance = death choice.

[Danke]

TAXATION is armed robbery! Comply or die! Your choice.

Consistent resistance = death choice.

Alright, you got me there TW. I don't want to die, so I'm abandoning my support for RP and voting for McSame, or should I go with Obomber this round...??

[Truth Warrior]

Alright, you got me there TW. I don't want to die, so I'm abandoning my support for RP and voting for McSame, or should I go with Obomber this round...??None of the above!

Why continue to CHOOSE to be a mere enabler, accessory to continued criminal activity and of your very own enslavement?

[dude58677]

Whether taxes are direct or indirect, the government is still prohibited under the ninth amendment for taxing the people to pay for unconstitutional programs, wasteful programs, squandering(taxing for no reason), using a complicated taxing code, taxing for programs to pay for a debt that was unconstitutionally created, and taxing for political purposes such as "paying their fair share". It is whether the Supreme Court admits it or not because as jurors we can aquit defendents on these grounds through jury nullification and the goverment is also prohibited from denying this, so again it doesn't matter what they think.

[Carehn]

Taxes are for fat kids.

[mrsat_98]

we do do not believe these people that adopted the constitution understand that A tax on the peoples wages salaries tips and comissions is not an income tax City of New Orleans vs Scramuzza Louisiana Supreme court

[Danke]

we do do not believe these people that adopted the constitution understand that A tax on the peoples wages salaries tips and comissions is not an income tax City of New Orleans vs Scramuzza Louisiana Supreme court

take out the two negatives and said another way:

"we believe these people that adopted the constitution understand that a tax on the peoples wages salaries tips and commissions is an income tax"

What are you trying to get across with that Louisiana court case?